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Post by Admin on May 17, 2014 23:15:05 GMT
The UN has warned of an "alarming deterioration" in human rights in eastern Ukraine, where separatists are fighting security forces. It also found "serious problems" of harassment and persecution of ethnic Tatars in Crimea, the mainly ethnic Russian region Moscow annexed in March. Violence between separatists and pro-Ukrainian forces has left dozens dead in the east and south this month. Separatists control towns in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, where they have been skirmishing with units of the Ukrainian security forces, sent in to reassert government control. The revolt in the east gained momentum after Russia annexed Ukraine's mainly ethnic Russian region of Crimea in March. The UN's conclusions are contained in a 37-page report, its second monthly assessment of the situation. UN human rights chief Navi Pillay said in Geneva: "Those with influence on the armed groups responsible for much of the violence in eastern Ukraine [must] do their utmost to rein in these men who seem bent on tearing the country apart." While noting that many peaceful rallies and demonstrations continue to take place in Ukraine, the report describes “an increasing tendency in some critical urban areas for rallies of opposing groups to be held simultaneously, often leading to violent confrontations.” It also notes “repeated acts of violence against peaceful participants of rallies,” mainly those in support of Ukraine’s unity. “In most cases, local police did nothing to prevent violence, while in some cases it openly cooperated with the attackers,” said a news release on the report. It lists numerous specific examples of targeted killings, torture and beatings, abductions, intimidation and some cases of sexual harassment – mostly carried out by well-organized and well-armed anti-Government groups in the east. The report also draws attention to missing persons, including 83 still unaccounted for after disappearing during the events related to the original “Maidan” protests in the capital, Kyiv. In the east, there has been a worrying rise in abductions and unlawful detention of journalists, activists, local politicians, representatives of international organizations and members of the military, the report says.
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Post by Admin on Jun 11, 2014 13:56:17 GMT
Ukraine's president has called for humanitarian corridors to be opened in the country's east to allow civilians to escape fighting between Ukrainian forces and pro-Russian separatists.The United States is urging Russia to do its part to stabilize eastern Ukraine. Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko issued a statement Tuesday calling for security forces to provide protective corridors for residents in order to “avoid new victims” in areas where counter-insurgency operations are taking place. Ukrainian armed forces have stepped up a so-called “anti-terrorist operation” in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, the heart of a pro-Russian separatist uprising. A spokesman for the operation, Vladyslav Seleznyov, told reporters Tuesday he could not give details of any security operations, but said they will make arrangements for civilians. He said “there is coordination between anti-terror forces and local authorities in order to provide corresponding help to people trying to leave this territory of active operations.” Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Tuesday that Moscow welcomes Ukraine's decision to establish humanitarian corridors in eastern Ukraine. Officials report heavy fighting between Ukrainian and rebel forces overnight around Slovyansk in Donetsk province, one of the areas under separatist control. Poroshenko discussed prospects for a ceasefire during a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in France last week. Ukraine has accused Russia of supporting the insurgency in the east, ferrying supplies and fighters across the border into Ukraine. Russia denies directly supporting the rebellion and has accused Ukraine of hostility toward Russian-speaking residents of the east. World leaders meeting last week in Brussels condemned Russia for destabilizing Ukraine. Members of the so-called G-7 group of industrialized nations issued a statement calling on Russia to withdraw troops from the border and use its influence among armed separatists to bring an end to the fighting.
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Post by Admin on Jul 18, 2014 14:03:43 GMT
Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was cruising just 1,000 feet above restricted airspace when it was struck by a missile in Ukraine's Donetsk region, according to aviation and intelligence officials. Despite ongoing violence in eastern Ukraine, including the recent downing of two military aircraft, Ukrainian aviation officials had closed the region's airspace only below 32,000 feet in altitude. The Boeing 777, en route from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur, the Malaysian capital, with 298 people aboard, was at 33,000 feet when it vanished from radar screens, according to European aviation authorities. “No dispatcher would have sent an aircraft into this region if they thought there was a risk it might not come back,” said Sean Cassidy, vice president of the Air Line Pilots Assn. “But there is no uniform rule that's out there that forbids the aircraft from entering that airspace.” Until recently, the battle in eastern Ukraine was largely ground-based and not thought to involve the sort of sophisticated weaponry that threatened high-altitude commercial flights. “For many onlookers, the situation in Ukraine was thought to be little more than a riot that had gotten out of control,” said John Pike, director of GlobalSecurity.org, a website for military policy. “You don't go re-routing planes every time people on the ground get upset.” In recent days, though, military aircraft were downed by antiaircraft munitions, which should have concerned aviation authorities, he said. Since the Malaysian plane went down, the Ukrainian authorities have closed all routes in the country's east. “All flight plans that are filed using these routes are now being rejected,” according to Eurocontrol, the European air navigation service. “The routes will remain closed until further notice.” The Federal Aviation Administration had prohibited U.S. carriers from airspace over Ukraine's Crimea region since April. On Thursday it expanded the prohibition to include eastern Ukraine. U.S. intelligence sources have confirmed that the 777 was downed by a ground-to-air missile over territory controlled by pro-Russia militants. A screen shot of real-time flight movements, as tracked by FlightRadar24.com, shows a void in flight patterns over the region in eastern Ukraine where a Malaysia Airlines jet crashed Thursday. Most commercial jets are not outfitted with missile warning and defense systems, which are standard on many military aircraft. So it's unlikely that the Malaysia Airlines pilot would have been aware that the missile's guidance system had locked onto the aircraft. “As of now, only a few aircraft assigned to transport government officials have these systems,” said Brad Curran, aerospace and defense analyst at consulting firm Frost & Sullivan. “Defending against a comprehensive air defense system fielded by a nation-state, equipped with a variety of radars, missile guidance systems, and long-range sophisticated missiles, has not been considered.”
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Post by Admin on Jul 19, 2014 15:18:40 GMT
Ever since seizing Crimea earlier this year, the Russian president has been offering tacit – and sometimes more direct – support to pro-Russian separatist groups battling the Ukrainian government. Although Putin seems to have backed off the idea of a cross-border military invasion and has been trying, half-heartedly it appears, to disengage himself from the conflict, he’s yet to make a full break with the rebels. After Thursday’s shoot-down of a Malaysian Airlines flight over rebel-held territory in Ukraine’s volatile east, killing 295 people, he may no longer have much choice in the matter. If the rebels are responsible for the downing of Flight 17 (and from all appearances that seems to be the case), they have dealt Putin a grievous blow – one that will likely force him to cut ties with them or face even harsher economic and diplomatic censure. But whatever choice he makes, the fallout from this tragedy could reverberate for years to come. It provides an object lesson in the dangers of getting too cozy with insurgents who are neither under one’s control nor with whom one’s interests are firmly aligned. That lesson extends to Washington. For many months, armchair military strategists on Capitol Hill and elsewhere have harshly criticized President Obama for refusing to arm the motley groups of rebels in the Syrian civil war. In recent weeks Obama has begun to ramp up moves in that direction. But the blowback from Putin’s support of the separatists in Ukraine is a reminder that such a policy brings with it real downsides. While few of those calling for U.S. aid have been pushing for surface-to-air-missiles to be sent to the Syrian rebels, the larger point holds. Insurgents who are armed with U.S. weapons but who are not governed by U.S. law or American military chains of command can do what they like; they could easily sell them to other, more extreme groups or, even worse, use them to commit human rights atrocities. Both the death squads in Latin America supported by U.S. aid in the 1980s and more directly, the Sabra and Shatilla massacre in Beirut by Christian groups allied with Israel are tragic examples of the latter. Or, as was the case with American support for the Afghan mujahedin during the 1980s, the freedom fighters of today could one day in the future turn their attention—and their guns—against America. To be sure, every situation was different, but well before the downing of Flight 17, Putin had been facing plenty of fallout from his effort to destabilize Ukraine. On Wednesday, the United States imposed a new set of sanctions on Russia that targeted some of the country’s major banks, defense firms and key energy companies, including the country’s largest oil firm, Rosneft. The European Union followed suit by suspending new investment in Russia by the European Investment Bank and seeking to stop loans from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Although these were a tougher set of sanctions than those already in place, the impact was unlikely to be dramatic, but that has never been the intention of sanctions. Instead, they were geared toward increasing international pressure on Putin. And guess what: It’s worked. The combination of sanctions, regional instability and Russia’s isolation helped to scare away foreign investment and spurred major capital flight from the country. Already this year there has been $75 billion in capital outflows, more than twice the amount in 2013. With this latest incident, earlier predictions of $100 billion for the year seem low. Russia is already headed toward recession and the downturn that began earlier this year will likely only get worse. Diplomatically, Russia is more isolated than ever, and its efforts to bring Ukraine back into the Russian orbit have failed spectacularly. The new Ukrainian president, Petro Poroshenko, has signed the association agreement with the EU that was at the root of the initial protests in Kiev that sparked the current crisis. And the continued fighting in Eastern Ukraine—and Putin’s apparent culpability in encouraging the rebels—was further driving Ukraine into the arms of the West. So even before today’s disaster, Putin’s ill-considered decision to wrap himself in the mantle of Russian nationalism was taking a toll. The rebels in Eastern Ukraine were at the heart of his problem. On the one hand, Putin was unable—or unwilling—to control the separatists as they ratcheted up the violence with the downing of Ukrainian military aircraft. On the other hand, as he stayed quiet over Kiev’s military gains against the rebels, he was criticized by Russian nationalists for failing to fully offer his support. That was then. Now Putin’s ability to control events has likely been taken away from him—and he faces greater challenges down the road. If he continues to support the rebels he will undoubtedly face further sanctions (any reluctance on the part of the EU to tighten the screws on Putin likely ended today). The smarter choice for Putin would be to abandon the separatists and endure the humiliation and domestic backlash from backing down—though considering the authoritarian nature of his regime it’s one he can certainly weather. But even if he takes the safer route, Putin’s ability to bully his neighbors is going to be severely constrained—and one has to believe he will be gun-shy about supporting the next pro-Russian separatist group looking for his support. Beyond that, any hope of a softening of relations with the West has likely disappeared for the near term. Having boosted and actively supported the rebels, Putin was unable to control the monster he created. What seemed like a cheap and easy way for Russia to exert influence in Ukraine has boomeranged against him. Proxy warriors—and their powerful backers—around the world, beware. This is not to say that every country—including the United States—should refuse to support other nations or even insurgent groups. One could even argue that U.S. backing for the Syrian rebels today, as the battle lines have stabilized, is less dangerous than it would have been three years ago when the situation was more fluid. But Obama must tread with care and take into account the potential unforeseen consequences to U.S. national security interests of getting involved in someone else’s fight. Even U.S. engagement from afar can blow up in your back yard. If you don’t believe me, just ask Vladimir Putin.
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Post by Admin on Jul 20, 2014 15:13:56 GMT
Before there is any further discussion of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, it’s important that one point be made absolutely clear: This plane crash is a result of the Russian invasion of eastern Ukraine, an operation deliberately designed to create legal, political, and military chaos. Without this chaos, a surface-to-air missile would not have been fired at a passenger plane. From the beginning, the Russian government did not send regular soldiers to Ukraine. Instead, it sent Russian mercenaries and security service operatives such as Igor Strelkov—the commander in chief in Donetsk and a Russian secret police colonel who fought in both Chechen wars—or Vladimir Antyufeyev, the Donetsk “deputy prime minister” who led the Latvian KGB’s attempt to overthrow the independent Latvian government back in 1991. With the help of local thugs, these Russian security men besieged police stations, government offices, and other symbols of political authority, in order to delegitimize the Ukrainian state. In this task, they were assisted by the Russian government and by Russia’s state-controlled mass media, both of which still constantly denigrate Ukraine and its “Nazi” government. Just in the past week, Russian reporting on Ukraine reached a new pitch of hysteria, with fake stories about the supposed crucifixion of a child and an extraordinary documentary comparing the Ukrainian army’s defense of its own country with the Rwandan genocide. Into this ambiguous and unstable situation, the Russians cynically funneled a stream of heavy weapons: machine guns and artillery, and eventually tanks, armed personnel carriers, and anti-aircraft missiles. In recent days, the separatist forces were openly using MANPADS, and were also boasting of having taken down large Ukrainian transport planes, clearly with Russian specialist assistance. Indeed, Strelkov on Thursday afternoon boasted online of having taken down another military plane, before realizing that the plane in question was MH17. He removed the post. In late June, several different Russian media sources published photographs of BUK anti-aircraft missiles, which they said had been captured by the separatists—though they were probably outright gifts from Russia. These posts have also been removed. This is the context within which a surface-to-air missile was aimed at a passenger plane: A lawless environment; irregular soldiers who might not be so good at reading radar; a nihilistic disregard for human life; scorn for international norms, rules, or standards. Just for the record: There weren’t any Ukrainian government-controlled anti-aircraft missiles in eastern Ukraine, because the separatists were not flying airplanes. Until now, these unorthodox methods have worked well for the Russians. They unnerved and distracted the Ukrainian government while at the same time allowing foreign governments, and European governments in particular, to turn a blind eye. Because the war was not a “real” war, it could be described as “local,” as “containable,” it could remain a low priority for European foreign policy or indeed for anybody’s foreign policy. If it has done nothing else, the crash of Flight MH17 has just put an end to the “it’s not a real war” fairy tale, both for the Russians and for the West. Tragically, this unconventional nonwar war has just killed 298 people, mostly Europeans. We can’t pretend it isn’t happening any longer, or that it doesn’t affect anyone outside of Donetsk. The Russians can’t pretend either. Without the fairy-tale pretense, some things are about to become clear. For one, we are about to learn whether the West in 2014 is as united, and as determined to stop terrorism as it was 26 years ago. When the Libyan government brought down Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, in 1988, the West closed ranks and isolated the Libyan regime. Can we do the same now—or will too many be tempted to describe this as a “tragic accident,” and to dismiss what will inevitably be a controversial investigation as “inconclusive?” It is insufficient to state, as President Obama has now done, that there must be a “cease-fire” in Ukraine. What is needed is a withdrawal of Russian mercenaries, weapons, and support. The West—and the world—must push for Ukrainian state sovereignty to be reestablished in eastern Ukraine, not for the perpetuation of another frozen conflict. We will also learn something interesting about the Russian president. So far there is no sign of shock or shame in Russia. But in truth, this tragedy offers Vladimir Putin an opportunity to get out of the messy disaster he has created in eastern Ukraine. He now has the perfect excuse to denounce the separatist movement and to cut its supplies. If he refuses, then we know that he remains profoundly dedicated to the chaos and nihilism he created in Donetsk. We can assume he intends to perpetuate it elsewhere. And if we are not prepared to fight it, we should be braced for it to spread.
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