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Post by Admin on Oct 19, 2019 21:35:53 GMT
Just one week after it was announced that the inhabitants of the Qesem Cave, located 12 kilometers east of Tel Aviv in Israel, perhaps practiced swan shamanism as much as 420,000 years ago, comes evidence that these same individuals created the earliest known “canned food.” This took the form of purposely severed deer bones stored full of marrow, which would be specially stored to preserve their precious contents for an extended period of time. The important study, published in the October 9 issue of Science Advances , was led by Dr. Ruth Blasco of TAU’s Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Civilizations and Centro Nacional de Investigación Sobre la Evolución Humana (CENIEH) and her TAU colleagues Prof. Ran Barkai and Prof. Avi Gopher.  Marrow Consumption Ran Barkai, a spokesperson for the team, explains the findings: “Bone marrow constitutes a significant source of nutrition and as such was long featured in the prehistoric diet.” “Until now, evidence has pointed to immediate consumption of marrow following the procurement and removal of soft tissues,” he adds. “In our paper, we present evidence of storage and delayed consumption of bone marrow at Qesem Cave .” His colleague, Dr. Blasco, takes up the story: “This is the earliest evidence of such behavior and offers insight into the socioeconomics of the humans who lived at Qesem. It also marks a threshold for new modes of Paleolithic human adaptation.” “Prehistoric humans brought to the cave selected body parts of the hunted animal carcasses,” says Prof. Jordi Rosell of Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV) and Institut Català de Paleoecologia Humana i Evolució Social (IPHES), who with his colleagues conducted the experimental research on the longevity of severed deer metapodials. “The most common prey was fallow deer, and limbs and skulls were brought to the cave while the rest of the carcass was stripped of meat and fat at the hunting scene and left there. We found that the deer leg bones, specifically the metapodials, exhibited unique chopping marks on the shafts, which are not characteristic of the marks left from stripping fresh skin to fracture the bone and extract the marrow.”  Canned Food It is believed that the deer metapodials would be kept at the cave protected by skins allowing the preservation of the marrow for consumption when required. In this way the bones were used as “cans” preserving the bone marrow for an extended period, after which the inhabitants would take off the dry skin, shatter the bone and eat the marrow. What this constitutes, therefore, is the earliest known evidence of food preservation and the delayed consumption of food. As Ran Barkai points out: “We show for the first time in our study that 420,000 to 200,000 years ago, prehistoric humans at Qesem Cave were sophisticated enough, intelligent enough and talented enough to know that it was possible to preserve particular bones of animals under specific conditions, and, when necessary, remove the skin, crack the bone and eat the bone marrow.” Just one week after it was announced that the inhabitants of the Qesem Cave, located 12 kilometers east of Tel Aviv in Israel, perhaps practiced swan shamanism as much as 420,000 years ago, comes evidence that these same individuals created the earliest known “canned food.” This took the form of purposely severed deer bones stored full of marrow, which would be specially stored to preserve their precious contents for an extended period of time.  The Qesem Cave in Israel. ( CC BY-SA 3.0 ) The important study, published in the October 9 issue of Science Advances , was led by Dr. Ruth Blasco of TAU’s Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Civilizations and Centro Nacional de Investigación Sobre la Evolución Humana (CENIEH) and her TAU colleagues Prof. Ran Barkai and Prof. Avi Gopher. Marrow Consumption Ran Barkai, a spokesperson for the team, explains the findings: “Bone marrow constitutes a significant source of nutrition and as such was long featured in the prehistoric diet.” “Until now, evidence has pointed to immediate consumption of marrow following the procurement and removal of soft tissues,” he adds. “In our paper, we present evidence of storage and delayed consumption of bone marrow at Qesem Cave .” Experimental archaeological testing the longevity of marrow in deer leg bones. (Credit: Ruth Blasco ). His colleague, Dr. Blasco, takes up the story: “This is the earliest evidence of such behavior and offers insight into the socioeconomics of the humans who lived at Qesem. It also marks a threshold for new modes of Paleolithic human adaptation.” “Prehistoric humans brought to the cave selected body parts of the hunted animal carcasses,” says Prof. Jordi Rosell of Universitat Rovira i Virgili (URV) and Institut Català de Paleoecologia Humana i Evolució Social (IPHES), who with his colleagues conducted the experimental research on the longevity of severed deer metapodials. “The most common prey was fallow deer, and limbs and skulls were brought to the cave while the rest of the carcass was stripped of meat and fat at the hunting scene and left there. We found that the deer leg bones, specifically the metapodials, exhibited unique chopping marks on the shafts, which are not characteristic of the marks left from stripping fresh skin to fracture the bone and extract the marrow.” Canned Food It is believed that the deer metapodials would be kept at the cave protected by skins allowing the preservation of the marrow for consumption when required. In this way the bones were used as “cans” preserving the bone marrow for an extended period, after which the inhabitants would take off the dry skin, shatter the bone and eat the marrow. What this constitutes, therefore, is the earliest known evidence of food preservation and the delayed consumption of food. As Ran Barkai points out: “We show for the first time in our study that 420,000 to 200,000 years ago, prehistoric humans at Qesem Cave were sophisticated enough, intelligent enough and talented enough to know that it was possible to preserve particular bones of animals under specific conditions, and, when necessary, remove the skin, crack the bone and eat the bone marrow.”  Innovative Behavior This mind-blowing discovery joins other evidence of innovative behavior found in association with the inhabitants the Qesem Cave as early as 420,000 years ago. It includes the regular use of fire , cooking and roasting meat , specially-prepared sharp tools to cut meat, the recycling of materials, and what has been described as a “ school of rock,” in the form of an on-site teacher-pupil relationship in stone tool manufacture. This is in addition to the likelihood, already alluded to, that the Qesem individuals were involved in an early form of bird shamanism following the discovery of a 420,000-year old swan wing bone where the feathers had been purposely removed, an action suggesting that both the bird bone and the bird’s feathers were being used for shamanic practices with possible cosmological implications. If correct, then this constitutes the earliest manifestation of shamanism anywhere in the world.  Very clearly the Qesem individuals were not simply hunter-gatherers who lived from day to day, scavenging for food by whatever means possible. They created a sophisticated, organizing style of living that is unlikely to have existed in isolation. Adding further mystery to these discoveries is the fact that eight hominin teeth found in the cave and dating to at least 400,000 years ago closely resemble those of modern humans, while later examples found there bear characteristics closer to that of a Neanderthal-modern human admixture . This has suggested to some that modern humans ( Homo sapiens ) originated not from Africa, where the oldest evidence of their existence comes from 300,000-year-old human fossils found at Jebel Irhoud in Morocco and 195,000 year old bone fragments found at Omo Kibish in Ethiopia , but in Israel . |
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Post by Admin on Oct 19, 2019 21:47:50 GMT
The Denisovan Link So who were the advanced individuals who lived in the Qesem Cave as much as 420,000 years ago? Were they pre-dispersal modern humans ( Homo sapiens ), that is human groups that having evolved in Africa moved into the Levant and were later either replaced by or absorbed into the Neanderthal populations of Southwest Asia? Or were they an early form of Denisovan, gradually moving through the Levant en route to the eastern part of the Eurasian continent, following their own split from Neanderthals around 380,000-470,000 years ago?  As one study from 2016 makes clear on the nature of the Qesem inhabitants: “Their [the Qesem individuals’] origin is undetermined, but we cannot exclude that Denisovans, or their immediate precursors, inhabited the Levant [at this time, i.e. 400,000 years ago].” In other words, they cannot discount the possibility that the Qesem individuals were linked in some manner to the Denisovans, who existed here prior to their own dispersal into the eastern half of the Eurasian continent.  So were the Qesem individuals pre-dispersal modern humans or early Denisovans on their way through Southwest Asia to places like the Denisova Cave in southern Siberia and the Tibetan Plateau in what is now northwest China, both having produced anatomical evidence of their presence as much as 100,000-160,000 years ago? Just maybe the picture is even more complicated, with the Qesem individuals being hybrids composed of pre-dispersal modern humans and proto-Denisovans, a combination that perhaps gave them a unique mindset that enabled them to advance much quicker than their closest rivals elsewhere in the world.  Siberian Denisovans & Sunda Denisovans Such a solution might explain why there are two distinct types of Denisovan. One branch existed in Siberia, the Tibetan Plateau, Mongolia, northern China and East Asia in general, and achieved a very high state of innovation including the invention of bones needles , musical instruments and a formative blade tool technology , before its disappearance around 45,000 years ago. These are known as the Siberian Denisovans. The other branch, called the Sunda Denisovans , possessed a more archaic genetic ancestry and would not appear not to have developed the same level of technological innovation as their northern rivals. For instance, they did not develop a blade tool technology of the type that was later adopted by the earliest modern humans to reach places like Siberia, Tibet and Mongolia. Instead they and their hybrid descendants would seem to have used a more basic flake tool technology of a type more common among the earliest modern human populations of Southeast Asia. Thus it becomes possible that the Qesem individuals, as a fusion of pre-dispersal modern humans ( Homo sapiens ) and proto Denisovans, were in fact the forerunners of the Siberian Denisovans, who as a hybrid population, after leaving the Levant, continued their journey eastward past the Caspian Sea into first North Asia and then finally East Asia. If correct, then a second strain of Denisovans, having departed Africa for the Saudi peninsular , most likely moved around the Persian Gulf into the Indian sub-continent before finally entering Mainland and then Island Southeast Asia, which at the time formed part of a much bigger landmass called Sundaland. Here they settled to become the Sunda Denisovans , some of their number possibly continuing the journey into the former continent of Sahul, modern-day Australia and Papua New Guinea . All of these territories have modern populations with anything up to 5-6 percent Denisovan DNA derived from Sunda Denisovan ancestry. Indeed, so high is its presence in places like Indonesia and the Philippines that in the opinion of some paleo-geneticists this would require the existence of a third type of Denisovan, an offshoot of the Sunda Denisovans, that might well have survived through till around 15,000 years ago, an exciting prospect indeed! |
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Post by Admin on Oct 20, 2019 18:13:24 GMT
INTRODUCTION Animal fat constitutes a significant source for human nutrition [e.g., (1, 2)]. Its calorific value is much higher than that of protein or carbohydrates; therefore, fat sources are of special significance to communities who are dependent almost exclusively on animal products with little or no source of carbohydrates (3, 4). The significance of bone marrow and grease is further highlighted by the fact that bone fat contains a higher quality of fat [greater percentage of fatty acids (FAs)] than that found in the rest of an animal carcass (2). The mandible and most appendicular elements contain medullary cavities filled with marrow. This soft tissue can be removed by cracking the bone with heavy hammers and extracting it by hand, by using an implement, or by sucking. Fat can also be recovered from within spongy, cancellous bone, which makes up much of the axial skeleton and appendicular epiphyses. This is often referred to as bone grease. Unlike bone marrow, bone grease extraction requires major efforts. Ethnographic data indicate that the cancellous portion of the bone must be broken into small fragments, destroying the structure of the trabecular bone so the fragments can be boiled. Upon cooling, the grease hardens and can be removed mechanically (4, 5). Given the relatively low nutritional yield of bone grease in relation to its extraction costs, it has been argued that grease rendering represents a significant form of resource intensification [(6), but see also Baker (5), who argues that grease rendering is not always related to stress].  Fig. 1 %MAU distribution by skeletal element and weight size categories split by archaeological contexts (Amudian and Yabrudian). Size classes 5 [very large (<1000 kg)] and 1a [very small (<20 kg)] were excluded, as their low number of elements could lead to distorted outcomes. RESULTS Qesem faunal assemblages A total of 81,898 faunal specimens [number of specimens (NSP)] were analyzed: 59,681 from Amudian, blade-dominated contexts and 22,217 from Yabrudian, scraper-dominated contexts. Among the total faunal fragments recovered, only 8.46% were taxonomically identifiable because of the high degree of fragmentation; most of the bones analyzed were less than 20 mm long, with percentages ranging from 65.6% from the sediments close to the wall of the cave to 92.9% in the south-western area. In addition, most of the shafts showed less than one-quarter of their original circumference, especially in the case of the Amudian contexts (NSP = 9447 of 10,875 long bone fragments more than 20 mm in length, 86.9%). The bone breakage analysis indicates that longitudinal fractures (n = 12,683 of 31,118 breakage planes analyzed; 41%), oblique angles (n = 12,417, 40%), and smooth edges (n = 25,245, 81%) are predominant across the sequence, coinciding with a green fracture of most long bones of more than 20 mm in length. In the case of deer metapodials, we also found a major presence of longitudinal planes (n = 1597 of 3516, 45%), oblique angles (n = 1403; 40%), and smooth edges (n = 2825, 80%), and 93.9% of shafts with less than two surfaces were represented. The faunal assemblages consist of 14 taxa, including ungulates, birds, tortoises, and, very sporadically, carnivores (cf. Hyaenidae). Fallow deer (Dama cf. mesopotamica) is the main taxa in all layers, with [number of identified specimens (NISP)] percentages of representation between 75.8 and 79% (Table 1). The %MAU (minimum animal units) indicates a biased skeletal representation characterized by a predominance of mandibles, stylopodials, zeugopodials, and metapodials and a low representation of axial bones (vertebrae and ribs), pelvises, and phalanges. This fact is particularly conspicuous for size class 2 (small-sized animals such as Dama cf. mesopotamica) and size class 3 (medium-sized animals such as Cervus cf. elaphus). Size class 4 (large-sized ungulates such as Bos primigenius or Equus ferus) differ in the metapodial quantities, showing a considerably lower representation, or in some cases, a total absence (Fig. 1). Because of this significant bias in anatomical profiles, the assemblages were tested in a first stage for possible differential bone destruction. The correlation between %MAU and bone mineral density points to a weak linear correlation for size class 3 (rs = 0.487, P = 0.066) and no significant correlation for size classes 2 and 4 (rs = 0.170, P = 0.545 and rs = 0.063, P = 0.824, respectively), indicating a minimal impact of the destructive processes associated with mineral density but providing no major explanation for the anatomical profile recorded at the site. The %MAU was subsequently correlated with the utility index (UI) (10) and the unsaturated marrow index (UMI) (11), showing that ungulate body part representation at Qesem correlates positively with the UI bone marrow (large-sized, rs = 0.588, P = 0.271; medium-sized, rs = 0.788, P = 0.0008; and small-sized, rs = 0.748, P = 0.0021) (Table 2) and the UMI (large-sized, rs = 0.6695, P = 0.049; medium-sized, rs = 0.711, P = 0.032; and small-sized, rs = 0.798, P = 0.001).  Fig. 2 Bar diagrams showing data on cut mark type, orientation and length in Qesem Cave, and experimental samples. Note that only data from metapodial shafts are shown. Percentages were calculated relative to the total number of cut marks per bone surface [anterior (ANT)/posterior (POST) and lateral (LAT)/medial (MED)]. All the Qesem assemblages included damage caused during anthropogenic bone breakage [e.g., (12)]. Long bone shafts showed a higher proportion of alterations than metaphyses and/or flat bones (NSP = 739, 58.8%). Bone surface damage comprised percussion pits (n = 33; 2.5%), notches (n = 333, 25.2%), impact flakes (n = 888, 67.2%; cortical flakes and scars included), counterblows (n = 16, 1.2%), and peeling (n = 11, 0.8%). In the case of metapodials, 53 specimens showed intentional bone breakage (Amudian, n = 19; Yabrudian, n = 34), and notches were the dominant damage observed (n = 34, 64.1%). Metapodials exhibited blows with a preference to the lateral/medial sides of the shafts (only 11.7% showed impact points on the dorsal and palmar sides). Regarding cut marks, most were documented on limb bones (n = 1273, 87.1%), with a slightly higher proportion on intermediate appendicular bones (tibia and radius) from Yabrudian layers (43.9%); 80% of the cut marks were on shafts, and only 19.9% were on portions near or on the epiphysis. These frequencies and their distributions on “hot zones” have been related to early access to the fleshed carcasses [e.g., (13)]. In the case of cervid cut-marked metapodials (n = 195, 12.4%), we found a double pattern with similar proportions between the marks that appeared on the metaphyses/proximal epiphyses and the diaphyses. Most of the metapodials registered cut marks on the diaphysis and on the proximal epiphysis (and metaphysis); however, the type of marks varied considerably depending on the anatomical portion and the side (Fig. 2). Proximal epiphyses and metaphyses showed slicing and sawing marks with straight delineation and transverse orientation (n = 73; fig. S1), while the diaphyses bore oblique slicing marks on their medial and lateral sides (n = 49, 37.9%). These, in turn, contrasted with the marks located on the anterior and posterior sides of the diaphyses, representing very different morphologies from the classic incisions, with shapes similar to cortical scars and chop marks (n = 15, 19.5% of cut-marked anterior/posterior shafts) sometimes combined with short, parallel incisions and sawing marks (n = 75, 58.1%) (Fig. 3). If we look at these “atypical” marks in detail, we can see that the direction of the cut or blow is usually oblique, with an inclination almost parallel to the bone. Following the same trend observed in the epiphyses and proximal metaphyses of the metapodials, 43.42% of carpals and tarsals also had transverse and oblique incisions on one or two lateral sides (fig. S1). |
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Post by Admin on Oct 21, 2019 17:59:18 GMT
 Fig. 3 Archaeological (Qesem Cave) and experimental [outdoor scenarios (SC 1 and SC 2)] damage on metapodials. Chop marks, cortical scars, and chipped marks on the anterior (C and G) and posterior (A, B, D, E, and F) surface of metapodial shafts. Note the short and slight chop marks combined with flat incisions/sawing marks in (F) and the inclination angle in the mark section almost parallel to the bone on posterior surfaces of metapodials in (A), (F), and (G). Experimental bones in the image are labeled as “EXP” followed by the abbreviation of scenario (SC 1 or SC 2) and exposure week. The 3D images and details were generated by a KH-8700 3D digital microscope. Photo credits: R. Blasco. Experimental series In the experimental series, we controlled both bone exposure time and environmental parameters using three different scenarios [two outdoors (scenarios 1 and 2) and one indoor (scenario 3)] applied to red deer (C. elaphus) metapodial bones. The objectives were to evaluate the preservation of bone marrow encapsulated in the metapodials after a period (up to 9 weeks) of subaerial exposure, determine by chemical analysis from which point in time its value would cease to be nutritionally attractive, and, lastly, detect the taphonomic signature of the secondary (post-storage) processing of the bones for marrow extraction (see the “Experimental approach” section in Materials and Methods for details). A total of 273 fragments corresponding to 37 metapodials of the outdoor experimental series (scenarios 1 and 2) were analyzed. Before the start of the experiment, we recorded the cut marks inflicted by rangers using modern steel knives when separating the metapodials from the rest of the carcass. These marks were observed on the basipodials (in the metapodials that conserved them, e.g., second week of scenario 1) and/or on the proximal epiphyses/metaphyses. In total, 18 metapodials showed disarticulation marks with straight delineation and transverse orientation. In 44.4% of the cases, this damage covered more than one side of the bone. Skinning metapodials was carried out following each week of exposure and resulted in different types of marks. Short incisions, both shallow and deep incisions (n = 197, 65.9%), and short sawing marks (n = 64, 21.4%) were identified. Chops and chipped marks were detected sporadically from the second week of exposure and systematically from the seventh week in scenario 1. These marks were not abundant (n = 38, 12.7%), although they were recorded on both the anterior and posterior sides in 92.1% of cases. This type of damage differs from that documented in other experimental works in which the extraction of skin and tendons was performed in fresh state, producing short, transverse, and deep cut marks, as well as long longitudinal marks on the grooves of metapodials [e.g., (14)]. It is worth noting that from the fourth week, the number of cut marks (incisions and sawing) increased considerably, and inclinations in the sections of the marks started to appear, representing transversal use of the tool with an inclination almost parallel to the bone (n = 44 bone fragments showed cut marks representing parallel or almost parallel inclinations, 68.7%) (Fig. 3 and figs. S2 and S3). These occurred when the experimenter vertically or horizontally placed the metapodial to make it easier to remove the skin and tendon. The tendons and skin were removed together on all occasions, especially after the third week when the skin was dry and began to bind more strongly to the rest of the tissues. On these occasions, cuts were made on one end of the tendon, and once the skin and tendon were slightly separated from the bone, both tissues were pulled strongly by hand in the opposite direction, combining this action with cuts to help detach the skin. The result was an increase in marks with parallel inclination. This differs from the removal of the tendon during the first week, performed with one cut in the proximal portion and another in the distal portion, which helped to completely detach it from the bone in the two outdoor series (fig. S3). Only two fragments with scraping marks were recorded in the fifth week of scenario 1, and these were linked to specific movements of the butcher to accelerate the skinning process. Oblique slicing marks on the medial and lateral sides of the diaphyses were only registered in the first week. In scenario 3 (indoor), no processing of the bones was performed, since this series only aimed to analyze the sequence of marrow degradation in a similar environment to that of Israel. It is important to note that the skinless metapodials had marrow that was more gelatinous, harder, and pinker than those exposed with skin, which had a more liquid yellowish marrow. After the skinning in scenarios 1 and 2, the metapodials were broken to extract the marrow by hammerstone percussion (fig. S3). This generated percussion notches (n = 15, 5.5%) and impact flakes (n = 19, 6.9%) that were more evident in the first 2 weeks. From the third week, the notches were not so well defined, but the impact zone now showed percussion pits associated with cortical flaking and longitudinal or slightly curved fractures. Percussion damage usually occurred between the proximal metaphysis and diaphysis, with no preference to either side. In the outdoor experiments, the number of fragments after percussion impacts to access the marrow tended to increase in line with the exposure time (R2 = 0.762, P = 0.0013). The greatest increase was observed from the seventh week in scenario 1 and progressively in scenario 2. The bone breakage analysis of metapodials indicates similar proportions for both outdoor scenarios (1 and 2), with a predominance of longitudinal and curved/V-shaped fractures (SC 1, n = 739 of 919 breakage planes analyzed, 80.4%; SC 2, n = 347 of 444 breakage planes analyzed, 78.1%), oblique angles (SC 1, n = 511, 55.6%; SC 2, n = 247, 55.6%), and smooth edges (SC 1, n = 791, 86%; SC 2, n = 396, 89.1%) (fig. S4). |
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Post by Admin on Oct 22, 2019 18:24:52 GMT
Marrow chemical analyses Dry matter (DM) content of marrow was very high (96.5 ± 3.19%), and its main component is fat (96.3 ± 3.2%). Only one sample had less than 90% of DM, and it could already be classified as very liquid. It emitted bad odor at the extraction. Excluding this sample, there was a linear relationship between the week of conservation and DM content (+1.4% DM/week; P < 0.05). The marrow’s weight and energetic value were analyzed to obtain the nutrient value of the bones. According to these values, the marrow mean energetic content was 8.7 kcal/g. Quadratic coefficients of the regression of marrow by week of conservation were not statistically different from zero, and no differences between intercepts were detected according to the scenario of conservation (P = 0.868). The marrow percentage from fresh bones was estimated at 8.1 ± 0.75%, and indoor and outdoor (spring) scenarios had a significant decrease in marrow percentage per week (−1.0 ± 0.4% and − 1.4 ± 0.3% per week, respectively). The outdoor (autumn) scenario showed no decrease from 0 to 9 weeks of conservation (slope not significantly different from 0; −0.2 ± 0.3) (Fig. 4).  Fig. 4 Temporal evolution of marrow percentage in metapodials according to week and scenario. RMSE, root mean square error. Marrow composition was mostly unsaturated FA (78%), especially monounsaturated (74%), and only 22% comprised saturated fats (table S1). Oleic (C18:1n-9) was the most abundant FA in marrow (36% in week 0), with a significant decrease per week (−0.7 ± 0.14%; P < 0.001). Other FA, like palmitoleic (C16:1n-7), palmitic (C16:0), and vaccenic (C18:1), had lower percentages (10 to 16%) and remained constant over time. The energy value of marrow obtained from metapodial bones ranged from 123 kcal (bone from week 2 in the outdoor autumn scenario) to 2.7 kcal (bone from week 6 in the outdoor spring scenario). The energy contained in one bone in good conservation conditions (i.e., up to 9 weeks in the outdoor autumn scenario or the first few weeks in the outdoor spring scenario) could be comparable to the crude energy content of 25 g of fresh meat. The comparison of the preservation of the marrow between exposed metapodials with skin and those exposed after they had been skinned showed a larger decrease in marrow percentage over time, i.e., per week of conservation (−1.07 ± 0.4%/week and − 1.45 ± 0.6%/week for nonskinned and skinned bones, respectively). Nevertheless, this difference was not statistically significant (P = 0.63; table S2). |
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