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Post by Admin on Jan 20, 2014 1:46:24 GMT
As the nation reflects on the legacy of Martin Luther King Jr., an audiotape of an interview with the civil rights leader sheds new light on a famous phone call John F. Kennedy made to King's wife more than 50 years ago. (Jan. 19) In this Dec. 17, 1962 file photo, Ambassador Adlai Stevenson, the U.S. delegate to the United Nations, shakes hands with Martin Luther King Jr., president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, Atlanta, Ga., at the White House in Washington with President John F. Kennedy at right. (AP Photo, File) Historians generally agree that Kennedy's phone call to Coretta Scott King expressing concern over her husband's arrest in October 1960 -- and Robert Kennedy's work behind the scenes to get King released -- helped JFK win the White House a month later. King himself, while appreciative, wasn't as quick to credit the Kennedys alone with getting him out of jail, according to a previously unreleased portion of the interview with the civil rights leader days after Kennedy's election. "The Kennedy family did have some part ... in the release," King says in the recording, which was discovered in 2012. "But I must make it clear that many other forces worked to bring it about also." A copy of the original recording will be played for visitors at the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tennessee, for a "King Day" event on Monday.
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Post by Admin on Mar 9, 2014 15:08:22 GMT
JFK and MLK shared an era and a cause, but they were not close allies, as the tone of these remarks makes clear. They admired each other’s best qualities but were suspicious of the other’s flaws. On civil rights, they marched to different cadences. Kennedy meets with leaders of the March on Washington at the White House, Aug. 28, 1963. Early in his administration, President Kennedy did not want to be seen as too eager to press for such moves as equal housing and voting protection for minorities, even though he saw such changes as inevitable. King was not invited to his inauguration or to an initial meeting of civil rights figures in the Oval Office. King and other leaders did not think the new White House was doing all it could. Freedom Riders intent on ending segregation in interstate transportation spread through the South and began to force Kennedy’s hand. In May of 1961, Bobby Kennedy personally directed the deployment of federal marshals to protect King in a dangerous situation in Montgomery, Ala., where the civil rights leader had gone to preach to Freedom Rider supporters in Ralph Abernathy’s First Baptist Church. White moderates had counseled African-Americans to remain patient for years; they were tired of waiting. In July 1962, King publicly urged the president to do more “in the area of moral persuasion by occasionally speaking out against segregation.” Kennedy replied that his commitment to rights for all citizens was clear. “But the president’s words did little to advance the cause of civil rights or ease the tensions that were erupting in sporadic violence,” wrote historian Robert Dallek in his JFK biography “An Unfinished Life.” In June 1963, Kennedy unveiled sweeping civil rights legislation. Among other things, it promised the right to vote to all citizens with a grade-school education, and eliminated legal discrimination in public accommodations such as hotels and restaurants. Kennedy remained hesitant to embrace the nation’s most prominent civil rights figure, however. In part this was due to allegations that a key King aide had communist ties, as well as the FBI’s notorious surveillance of King, which produced evidence of womanizing. The FBI’s file on King’s sex life was dauntingly thick, Berl L. Bernhard, staff director of the US Commission on Civil Rights from 1958 to 1963, said in an oral history at the Kennedy Library. “I do think the president was aware of it, and I know [darn] well some people in the administration were aware of it,” Mr. Bernhard said. Kennedy himself had numerous affairs, of course. It’s unknown how he felt about the juxtaposition of his own recklessness with the King allegations. In the summer of 1963 the administration was worried about the upcoming March on Washington to highlight civil rights. Unable to stop the planning, the White House recruited white union and labor groups to participate, to counter criticism that whites were not interested in sweeping civil rights changes. King’s triumphant speech at the Lincoln Memorial on August 28 belied these worries. Afterwards the president met with civil rights leaders in the Oval Office, and among other things emphasized the difficulties he faced getting a civil rights bill through a Congress dominated by conservative Southern committee chairmen. JFK demurred when A. Philip Randolph asked him to lead a “crusade” to pass his legislation. What was needed, said JFK, was not such dramatic action but political leverage intended to win some Republican support for a bipartisan bill. In the end the bill did pass. It is an enduring legacy of the Kennedy era. But it was muscled through those Southern-dominated committees by President Lyndon Johnson after Kennedy’s assassination. In part it was LBJ’s legislative craftsmanship that carried the day. In part it was enabled by emotional appeals to the spirit of JFK. “By this and other efforts of mourning, Kennedy acquired the Lincolnesque mantle of a unifying crusader who had bled against the thorn of race,” wrote historian Taylor Branch in “Parting the Waters,” his Pulitzer-winning chronicle of the civil rights movement. “Honest biographers later found it impossible to trace an engaged personality in proportion to the honor.”
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Post by Admin on May 14, 2014 22:32:43 GMT
A trove of newly-discovered letters sent from Jacqueline Kennedy to an Irish priest over a 14-year time period are providing insight into the life of a woman who was intensely private but captivated the world with her style and charisma. The nearly three dozen letters -- sent between 1950 and 1964 to Father Joseph Leonard, an Irish priest -- will be auctioned in Ireland next month by Sheppard's Irish Auction House. The previously unpublished letters cover everything from a young Jacqueline Bouvier's courtship with the future president to his assassination in 1963, according to the Sheppard's website. Before she married the future president, a young Jacqueline Bouvier expressed concern in a letter that her future husband may be cut from the same cloth as her father, John Vernou Bouvier. "He’s like my father in a way -- loves the chase and is bored with the conquest -- and once married needs proof he’s still attractive, so flirts with other women and resents you. I saw how that nearly killed ," she wrote, according to the Irish Times. "Maybe I’m just dazzled and picture myself in a glittering world of crowned heads and Men of Destiny -- and not just a sad little housewife," she wrote in a 1953 letter. "That world can be very glamorous from the outside -- but if you’re in it -- and you' re lonely – it could be a Hell."However, the newlywed wrote that she loved being married, "much more than I did even in the beginning." After her husband's 1963 assassination, Kennedy wrote to Father Leonard that she felt "bitter" and was trying to find some semblance of comfort in her Catholic faith. "I have to think there is a God – or I have no hope of finding Jack again," she wrote. She cheekily added, "God will have a bit of explaining to do to me if I ever see Him."
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Post by Admin on Sept 15, 2014 22:15:57 GMT
When John F. Kennedy became President of the United States at the age of 43, he became not only the youngest President elected but arguably one of the funniest, intelligent, and charismatic. The charm and optimism that he and his family embodied captivated the American public in an entirely new way, and his term—though tragically cut short—was affectionately known as Camelot. If President Kennedy was the King Arthur of this golden era, however, there is no doubt that Jacqueline Kennedy was the trendsetting queen. First Lady Jackie Kennedy, along with her husband, firmly believed that the White House was a place where America’s thriving culture was to be promoted, showcased, and celebrated. Her respect for the arts was also reflected in her own signature style as she became a symbol of sophisticated fashion. Although Jackie discouraged the excessive focus on her appearance in the media, her unique and refined wardrobe certainly set a new standard during her time in Washington. She quickly became an international style icon, influencing the fashion of not only women across America, but around the world—and continues to do so today. Her daywear generally consisted of simple sleeveless dresses, wrist-length gloves, and strands of pearls or a brooch. Around the White House, it was common to see Jackie in high-waist trousers with a trim blouse, turtleneck, or cashmere sweater. She almost always topped off her daytime look with her iconic black, oversized sunglasses—a trend that has yet to go out of style. When she was traveling to foreign countries—like India—she was mindful to dress according to the custom of the host nation. For eveningwear, Jackie usually went for the sleeveless, single-colored dress with a bateau neckline—one that runs horizontally, front and back, across the collarbone. She also could be found at nighttime events wearing long sheath dresses or off-the-shoulder gowns. Jackie is pictured at a White House dinner here with a white dress and matching elbow-length gloves. Perhaps her most recognizable outfit is the watermelon-pink suit with her trademark pillbox hat that she wore the day her husband was assassinated in Dallas, Texas. This iconic pink suit was designed as an exact replica of the Chanel suit with Chanel fabric, but made in the U.S. to avoid political criticism. Despite the bloodstains from the tragic motorcade, Jackie insisted on keeping the suit on for the swearing in of Lyndon B. Johnson later that day. Perhaps her most recognizable outfit is the watermelon-pink suit with her trademark pillbox hat that she wore the day her husband was assassinated in Dallas, Texas. This iconic pink suit was designed as an exact replica of the Chanel suit with Chanel fabric, but made in the U.S. to avoid political criticism. Despite the bloodstains from the tragic motorcade, Jackie insisted on keeping the suit on for the swearing in of Lyndon B. Johnson later that day. The suit is currently housed in the National Archives in College Park, Maryland, although the pink hat has disappeared before the rest of the outfit made its way to the Archives.
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Post by Admin on Nov 24, 2014 14:30:22 GMT
Oswald was a self-proclaimed Marxist since adolescence who defected to the USSR in 1959 on his own initiative, offering to trade on his military experience with the Marines. Oswald's ideal of a Soviet utopia was immediately soured by bureaucratic indifference, causing Oswald to adopt revolutionary Marxism as opposed to institutionalized Leninism, perhaps inspired by some Cuban students he befriended while living in Minsk. By the time Oswald and his Russian-born wife Marina leave the USSR in June 1962, Oswald sees in the Castro revolution a truer form of socialism — one not corrupted by Soviet Communist Party Officials and their perks. Ironically, Oswald, as he planned the assassination of Dallasite General Walker — an outspoken critic of Castro — might have been expecting the act would ensure for him a prominent position in Havana, where he planned to eventually defect. The nighttime attempt on Walker on April 10, 1963 failed when Oswald's bullet was deflected by a window frame. That summer, while living in New Orleans, Oswald was very active in defending Castro through leafletting and debating on radio. Oswald apparently tried to infiltrate some anti-Castro elements, perhaps to gather intelligence to impress Havana. All this effort turned out to be for nothing when Oswald was rejected at the Cuban embassy in Mexico City in early October — a dejected Oswald wrote the Soviet embassy in Washington about the episode in a letter mailed November 12. Oswald may have read David Harker's September 1963 interview with Castro that appeared in major US newspapers, quoting Castro as saying: "United States leaders should think that if they are aiding terrorist plans to eliminate Cuban leaders, they themselves will not be safe." Jean Davison, in the 1983 book Oswald's Game, suggests Oswald could have read in The Militant — the Socialist Workers' newspaper which he subscribed to — of Castro's suspicions of US — sponsored assassination attempts against him by the US, and acted in retaliation. Oswald would show Castro what a great revolutionary he missed out on. Oswald's only conspirator that day was Lady Luck, who had grown weary of Kennedy's recklessness. All the advances in the case — access to the autopsy photographs, release of files, scientific and investigative improvements — have upheld Oswald as the lone assassin. The Select Committee trajectory analysis that confirmed the Single-Bullet Theory has been bolstered by recent advances in computer modeling. The precise instant of the double-hit has now been pinpointed on the Zapruder film. The physical and medical evidence has always pointed to injuries caused by two bullets, in turn ballistically matched to Oswald's Mannlicher-Carcano, whose trigger-housing displayed his fingerprints.
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