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Post by Admin on Aug 2, 2014 21:22:33 GMT
WHEN Britain declared war on Germany on August 4th 1914, it was committing not only its own men, but those of its empire. The five “dominions”—Australia, Canada, Newfoundland (which joined with Canada in 1949), New Zealand and South Africa—were self-governing but had no power over foreign policy. Most entered the war willingly, proud to go to the aid of the empire, often pictured as a lion with its cubs, as in the image above. But as the war dragged on and their young men died in droves (see chart), they pressed for more say in its conduct and, after it ended, more control over their destinies. The men who came home often found that fighting for Britain had, paradoxically, made them feel more distant from it. A century later, many historians see the first world war as the former dominions’ “war of independence”. Canadians occupying a captured German machine-gun emplacement, Vimy Ridge The first world war gave the dominions not only a push to independence, but also founding myths. “It’s very hard to pinpoint the birth date of Australia, New Zealand or Canada,” says Ian McKay, a historian at Queen’s University in Ontario. “So there’s a tendency to try to find that magic moment, the big battle where it all happens.” For Canada, that was the Battle of Vimy Ridge in 1917, when Canadian soldiers captured a German position in northern France at a cost of 10,600 lives. Perhaps because it was the first time the four Canadian divisions had fought together, or because the position had previously been held against the British and French, it has since been seen as the moment when Canada leapt in spirit from colony to nation. “Historical narratives of violent pasts have always been useful instruments for politicians to legitimise existing orders or to try and forge national identities,” writes Maarten Van Alstein of the Flemish Peace Institute. The current Conservative government sees in Vimy Ridge a symbol of Canada as a “warrior nation” that it finds more congenial than the opposition Liberals’ emphasis on peacekeeping. On its 90th anniversary Stephen Harper, the prime minister, described the battle as a “spectacular victory, a stunning breakthrough that helped turn the war in the Allies’ favour”. The scarred landscape of the Newfoundland Memorial Park, Beaumont Hamel, part of the Somme battlefield. At least France and Britain were on the same side. For South Africa fighting for Britain was far more problematic. The Union of South Africa, only four years old in 1914, had just emerged from the bitter Anglo-Boer War which saw the Afrikaner minority defeated by the British. The British-educated General Jan Smuts had to quell a rebellion by Afrikaners who felt closer to Germany than Britain before he could begin the task of annexing the German colony of South West Africa, now Namibia. South Africa’s equivalent of Vimy Ridge was Delville Wood, where one of the bloodiest engagements of the 1916 Battle of the Somme took place. This patch of trees, held by a brigade of white South Africans at the cost of four-fifths of its men being injured or killed, was commemorated for some decades afterwards. But during white-minority rule remembrance faded, apart from a brief interlude in the 1980s as the apartheid-era government sought to remind foreign critics of South Africa’s role in fighting for the “free world”. Today, the site of Delville Wood is a memorial to fallen South Africans. But the battle’s status as a national symbol of bravery and sacrifice is now shared with the SS Mendi, a steamship that sank in 1917 after being accidentally rammed in the British Channel en route to France, with the loss of 607 members of the South African Labour Corps, nine officers and all 33 crew. Official accounts describe the men singing and performing a traditional death dance on deck as the ship slipped below the waves. (Historians are sceptical.) When the war broke out Australia’s states had been joined in federation for just 13 years and New Zealand had been a selfgoverning dominion for just seven. More than 400,000 young Australians, and nearly 130,000 New Zealanders, served during the war—out of loyalty to Britain, a spirit of adventure, and a desire to prove their young nations’ worth. The Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (Anzac) sailed to the Gallipoli Peninsula in 1915. The disastrous eight-month campaign against Turkish forces ended with 8,700 Australians and 2,700 New Zealanders dead, 2,000 of them killed on the first day. The death toll on the western front the following year was higher. Yet in both countries it is Gallipoli that is remembered as the defining moment. The image back home of the soldiers at Gallipoli was “tough and inventive…chivalrous, gallant and sardonic”, wrote Bill Mandle, an Australian historian who died in May. Their war commemorations will reach a peak on the centenary of the first landings on April 25th next year. Since 1916 the date has been known as Anzac Day. The Masurian Lakes on the Eastern Front where the German 8th Army under Hindenburg clashed with the Russian 1st Army. Australian politicians mostly endorse the place Gallipoli has come to occupy in the national consciousness. Peter Stanley of the University of New South Wales describes the commemorations as an exercise in “bipartisan nationalism”. But the consensus is not absolute. Paul Keating, prime minister for the Labor Party for five years to 1996, has described the notion that Australia was “born again or even redeemed” at Gallipoli as “utter nonsense”. For him, the Kokoda Track in Papua New Guinea, where Australia fought the Japanese in the second world war, is where “the depth and soul of the Australian nation was confirmed”, and the country moved out of Britain’s shadow and formed the alliance with America that has underpinned its foreign policy ever since. In his book “Anzac’s Long Shadow: the Cost of our National Obsession”, James Brown, who served for Australia in Iraq and Afghanistan, argues that the celebration of Anzac Day has “morphed into a sort of military Halloween”. Australia’s “longest eulogy”, he says, has tended to exclude veterans of more recent wars. To his surprise, his lament has resonated with many servicemen. Similar complaints are echoed in Canada about the focus on Vimy Ridge. The first world war launched Britain’s former dominions as independent nations. But they have written many pages of their histories in the century since.
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Post by Admin on Aug 4, 2014 14:43:04 GMT
World leaders are gathering in Belgium for one of a number of ceremonies marking 100 years since Britain joined World War One. The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge will be at the Liege event, as the Prince of Wales and PM attend a Glasgow service. UK buildings from Downing Street to the Blackpool Tower will turn lights off from 22:00 BST to mark the centenary. The public can join the switch-off ending at 23:00 - the time Britain declared war on Germany in 1914. Prime Minister David Cameron said: "A hundred years ago today Britain entered the First World War and we are marking that centenary to honour those who served, to remember those who died, and to ensure that the lessons learnt live with us forever. "It is right to remember the extraordinary sacrifice of a generation and we are all indebted to them because their most enduring legacy is our liberty." It was at 23:00 on 4 August 1914 that Britain entered into one of the costliest conflicts in history, and the fighting continued until 11 November 1918. Throughout the war almost 900,000 people lost their lives fighting for the British army. As well as Prince Charles and Mr Cameron, 1,400 guests including military officials and senior politicians are expected at the national service of commemoration taking place at Glasgow Cathedral at 10:00 BST. Prince Harry will be in Folkestone, Kent, where a parade will mark the route millions of soldiers took as they marched to the harbour to embark on their journey to France. He will unveil a memorial arch in their memory and lay a wreath. A remembrance service taking place in Liege, Belgium, will be attended by world leaders and the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge. And in the evening the duke and duchess will move on to the St Symphorien Military Cemetery in Mons. The cemetery is of particular significance as an equal number of both German and British soldiers are buried there. Among them lies Private John Parr, who was the first British soldier killed on the Western Front, and Maurice James Dease who was the first recipient of the Victoria Cross in WW1. Later, Westminster Abbey will hold a candle-lit vigil service of prayer to coincide with the exact time Britain's declaration of war was announced. Between 22:00 and 23:00 BST, the Royal British Legion's "Lights Out" event will see households, businesses and public buildings across the UK turn out their lights to leave a single candle or light burning. The event was inspired by the words of wartime Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey, who said on the eve of WW1: "The lamps are going out all over Europe; we shall not see them lit again in our life-time." On Sunday, the French and German presidents commemorated the 100th anniversary of Germany's declaration of war on France on 3 August 1914. The royals, more used to marking the end of a conflict rather than the start, will attend many of the events. At Glasgow Cathedral, the sometimes-overlooked contribution of former British colonies - now Commonwealth nations - will be remembered. In Belgium, where the invasion by Germany is etched in the collective memory, the emphasis will be on reconciliation. And at Westminster Abbey, in the evening, the last moments of peace before the British Empire entered the war will be reflected upon during a candlelit vigil. All are designed, according to the government, to improve our understanding of the causes, conduct and consequences of World War One.
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Post by Admin on Aug 5, 2014 20:30:16 GMT
A candle-lit vigil at Westminster Abbey and a "lights out" event have concluded a day of ceremonies marking 100 years since Britain entered World War One. People were invited to turn off their lights for an hour until 23:00 BST, the time war was declared in 1914. The Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, Prince Harry and David Cameron attended a twilight ceremony at St Symphorien Military Cemetery near Mons, Belgium. The Lights Out event - organised by 14-18 NOW, a cultural programme to mark the centenary - saw households, businesses and public buildings across the UK turn out their lights to leave a single candle or light burning. The event was inspired by the words of wartime Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey, who said on the eve of WW1: "The lamps are going out all over Europe; we shall not see them lit again in our lifetime." The conflict between 1914 and 1918 - which became known as the Great War - left 17 million soldiers and civilians dead. Blackpool Tower, Downing Street, Tower Bridge, the Eden Project in Cornwall, the headquarters of the Football Association and the Imperial War Museums in London and Greater Manchester, were among the buildings which took part in the "lights out" event. The Duchess of Cornwall joined senior politicians - including Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg and Labour leader Ed Miliband - for a service of solemn commemoration at Westminster Abbey. The service included the gradual extinguishing of candles, with an oil lamp put out at the grave of the unknown warrior at the exact hour war was declared. In Scotland, a service was held at Glasgow Cathedral - attended by Prince Charles, Mr Cameron, Scotland's First Minister Alex Salmond, a number of Commonwealth figures and 1,400 others. Prince Harry also unveiled a memorial arch in Folkestone, Kent, where a parade followed the route taken by millions of soldiers who marched to the harbour to begin their voyage to France in WW1. Elsewhere, 888,246 ceramic poppies are being placed in the dry moat at the Tower of London, one for each soldier who died fighting for Britain and its colonies in WW1. The installation by artist Paul Cummins is entitled Blood Swept Lands and Seas of Red and will be unveiled on Tuesday.
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Post by Admin on Aug 8, 2014 21:32:49 GMT
You may have noticed, there's a big anniversary – a centenary – going on, which the BBC has been covering extensively and impressively, divvying it up as you'd imagine. BBC2 gets the history and the arguments: Ferguson, Hastings, Paxman, poppies etc. BBC4 gets the art and the poetry. And BBC3 gets left with the difficult task of selling the first world war to its target audience, 16- to 34-year-olds. They might have done Little Europe, or Snog, Marry, Machine Gun. Instead, they've made Our World War (BBC3) – a drama in the style of the award-winning Our War, about British troops in Afghanistan, based on the accounts of, and from the point of view of, real soldiers, on the ground, going in to battle. Using helmet cams, gun-barrel cams, shaky pictures and a narrow field of vision, it brings the Battle of Mons (subject of this first of three) into the 21st-century living room. It's modern language, too, and modern music (PJ Harvey alongside birdsong) – a 1914/2014 mashup for a new audience and hopefully a new relevance. Our World War has the more traditional components of good drama, too – terrific performances, a strong script, convincing dialogue. But it's the action, once it gets going, that is really the star here. After the first shots are fired (the first engagement of the war for British troops), the battle builds slowly, almost real-time slowly, but relentlessly, until the intensity is almost unbearable. There's something of Saving Private Ryan about it, though less grand and cinematic, more intimate and personal. Helmet cam, machine-gun cam, in-front-of-the-face cam, the jitteriness and the narrow field, all give it a claustrophobic, visceral intensity. Not so much bringing Mons into your living room maybe, as dropping you into Mons, having first blasted away a hundred years with heavy artillery. By the end, you're left exhausted, dazed, shell-shocked, with the rat-a-tat of the machine gun still ringing in your ears. Then the real 100-year-old black-and-white footage of the troops retreating from Mons. Plus the postscripts – about the real Charles Jarvis, William Holbrook, Fred Steele, Maurice Dease, their deaths, one extraordinary survival, medals, three Victoria Crosses for almost unimaginable bravery. To remind us that this isn't just drama based on a real event, it's based on real people, too, and their accounts of what they lived through, people only a few generations ahead of us. And it's hard not to choke up a little. Excellent, innovative, moving television – I think the best, and most affecting, of the first world war programmes I've seen so far. Viewers of Our World War will follow the progress of a handful of the 80,000 British troops who, two weeks after war was declared in August 1914, found themselves locked in combat against 1million German troops in Belgium. Based entirely on the 100-year-old testimonies of the soldiers, the BBC3 series kicks off by putting viewers in among the men of the 4th Battalion of The Royal Fusiliers – some of the best trained gunners in the British army. Using modern techniques including head-cams and thermal imaging, the hour-long drama shows how woefully unprepared the men were in the face of the German onslaught at the Battle of Mons. Despite being outnumbered more than 10 to 1, the heart-rending stories of the men involved highlights their astonishing bravery as they engage in battle with heavy losses, before being forced to make a tactical retreat. The second instalment covers the issue of desertion by following a member of one of the new battalions of conscripts known as 'Pals', who survives the Battle of the Somme only to be ordered to execute one of his friends. The final episode sees the British invent the tank – a weapon designed to break the stalemate and end the war after four years of combat. Using the account of one a member of the Tank Regiment it follows a crew during the Battle of Amiens in August 1918, as they pound their way across enemy territory in the hope of finally getting to go home.
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Post by Admin on Aug 25, 2014 21:35:23 GMT
Among the many individual stories of World War I that will doubtless be told and retold for the centenary years between 2014 and 2018, that of T. E. Lawrence stands out from all the rest. As Scott Anderson says at the beginning of “Lawrence in Arabia,” “historians have never quite decided what to make of the young, bashful Oxford scholar who rode into battle at the head of an Arab army and changed history.” There have, of course, been shelf-loads of books on Lawrence and his sphere, and an extremely famous film. But the existence of previous works may trouble critics more than readers. After all, somebody keeps buying the stuff. Anderson, a veteran war correspondent and an author of both fiction and nonfiction, gives Lawrence’s story a new spin by contextualizing him in a group biography. He weaves in the lives of three contemporary Middle Eastern spies: Curt Prüfer, a German conspiring with the Ottomans to bring down the British Empire; Aaron Aaronsohn, a Zionist agronomist of Romanian origin, settled in Palestine; and William Yale, an East Coast aristocrat and an agent of Standard Oil who ended up in the service of the American State Department. This allows him to bring in such rousingly modern themes as oil, jihad and Arab-Jewish conflict — though each of these was a markedly different prospect a century ago. There are also plenty of Middle Easterners in this book — including Prince Faisal, later king of Iraq, and the Turks Djemal Pasha, governor of Syria, and Enver Pasha, minister of war, who The New York Times said in 1915 had a reputation as “the handsomest man in the Turkish Army” (though it is hard to believe the correspondent inspected them all). Even so, Anderson focuses on Westerners and their meddling — the Sykes-Picot Agreement, the Balfour Declaration, the Arab revolt — and his book could not be better timed. As global attention is drawn to Syria and Egypt, it is arresting to look back 100 years and see a familiar picture: Britain, France, Russia and the United States gingerly stirring the pot of the Middle East from as far away as possible. The result was familiar, too. “We have appropriated too many Moslem countries for them to have any real trust in our disinterestedness,” Lawrence wrote in 1916. Anderson’s setting of Lawrence among other foreign agents is an interesting and creative idea, and opens the way for some clever connections, though Prüfer, Aaronsohn and Yale are not historical figures of Lawrence’s stature. Of the three, Aaronsohn provides the best story, thanks not only to his own exploits but also to those of his remarkable sister. Sarah Aaronsohn ditched a husband in Constantinople and went to Palestine to build her own spy ring, drawn in part from her “ardent coterie of male suitors.” When she was interrogated by the Turks, which involved being strapped to a gatepost and beaten, she taunted them “until she fell into unconsciousness.” Aaron Aaronsohn, no less daring, also had a talent for snappy retorts. When Djemal Pasha threatened to hang him, Aaronsohn replied, “Your Excellency, the weight of my body would break the gallows with a noise loud enough to be heard in America”; as Anderson helpfully points out, he was “alluding to both his considerable girth and to his network of influential friends abroad.” Yale’s inclusion is more puzzling. Despite being “literally the only American field intelligence officer for the entire region,” he appears to have done little, not least because the region’s oil industry was then in its infancy, and — for reasons not unrelated — so was the interest of the United States government. Eventually, he got himself attached to the British Army, though after a month had “learned virtually nothing.” A moment of potential excitement arrived when he ended up watching British artillery shell Turkish positions in September 1918, but he didn’t like it much: “It was nowhere near as thrilling as the sham battles I had watched as a boy at Van Cortlandt Park,” he wrote. Meanwhile, Lawrence was “careening through the desert around Deraa in a Rolls-Royce armored car, blowing up bridges and tearing up railway tracks, dodging ineffective enemy air attacks, skirmishing with the occasional unlucky Turkish foot patrol.” A fine storyteller, Anderson does his best to drum up a narrative for his American character but is ultimately defeated by the modesty of the man’s achievements. The hapless Yale might have been better suited to a supporting role in a Graham Greene novel, where he could have had scorn poured upon him by a jaded Englishman. Although Anderson is an American, he takes up that duty. About a particularly poorly informed dispatch Yale sent to the State Department, Anderson says: “He was establishing a tradition of fundamentally misreading the situation in the Middle East that his successors in the American intelligence community would rigorously maintain for the next 95 years.” Ouch. Regardless of the relative historical value of these individuals, however, the multicharacter approach has the great virtue of opening up the story’s complexity. Through his large cast, Anderson is able to explore the muddles of the early-20th-century Middle East from several distinct and enlightening perspectives. Furthermore, while he maintains an invigorating pace, his fabulous details are given room to illuminate. And the book is thick with them, whether it is Lawrence attempting to collar a live leopard; Prüfer arranging 10 days of “boozing, dancing and flirting” with a wayward German princess for Abbas Hilmi, the deposed khedive of Egypt; or Aaronsohn fending off a strikingly biblical plague of locusts. Anderson’s insight into Lawrence’s character is at its sharpest when it comes to one of the most discussed incidents in his autobiography, “Seven Pillars of Wisdom”: the torture and rape he claimed to have suffered while a prisoner in Deraa. Dealing with this episode, too many biographers tend either toward amateur psychoanalysis and sensationalism or bluster, obfuscation, even denial. For some, the question is complicated by suggestions that Lawrence may have been homosexual and clearly was to some degree a masochist. Was the Deraa torture-rape a fantasy? Confronted by an unknowable, historians demand evidence, witnesses, corroboration. The fact that Lawrence’s case offers none of these does not mean he was making it up. As Anderson allows, reports of Lawrence’s swift physical recovery may indicate that he exaggerated the severity of his torture — or they may not. Either way, he writes, “something happened in Deraa,” and it is not surprising “that someone enduring such a trauma might wish to adorn its memory with staggering violence, the kind of violence that offers an absolution of guilt by making all questions of will or resistance moot.” This is not a conclusion, but something more nuanced and perhaps more appropriate: considered inconclusiveness. Anderson is right that historians have never decided what to make of Lawrence. (Indeed, en masse, they never really decide what to make of anything.) Had things gone differently, he writes, “it’s hard to imagine that any of this could possibly have produced a sadder history than what has actually transpired over the past century, a catalog of war, religious strife and brutal dictatorships that has haunted not just the Middle East but the entire world.”
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