Baekje's Relationship with Japan's Yamato

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Baekje's Relationship with Japan's Yamato Jul 28, 2021 22:36:38 GMT

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Post by Admin on Jul 28, 2021 22:36:38 GMT

A study of Baekje-Yamato relation changes with a focus on Baekje’s capitals

Introduction
Historical evidence of a special relationship of cooperation and exchange between the polities
of Baekje in Korea and Yamato Japan can be found in both historical records and archaeological
findings. Historically this research has been full of controversies. As I understand this is partly caused by a heritage of distorted histories and partly because of the own nationalist feelings of Korean and Japanese historians. First of all we have to consider who and with what purpose compiled the historical records that have survived until today.

For example, the compiler of the Annals of Samguk Sagi1, Kim Busik (1075-1151), may have had little
interest in the relations between Baekje and Yamato due to his Silla-related heritage and confucian
background, after all in the Silla Annals of Samguk Sagi the Wa were repeatedly depicted as a piratical
scourge. At the same time we have to take in consideration the political reasons of the compilers
of Kojiki and Nihongi2 who pursued the enhancement of the emperor and thus often described
the position of Japan as having the right and capacity of influence over the Korean kingdoms. The
same can be said of some archaeological evidence such as the content of the King Gwanggaeto
Stele. Due to its panegyric style and to the fact that part of the content has been erased by time
it is not possible to use it as an accurate historical account. Another famous example cause of
several controversies is the case of Mimana (believed to be a Japanese designation for one of the
Gaya confederacy states in the Korean peninsula). Based in some references made in Nihon Shoki
about a supposedly “colony” of Japan under the name of Mimana in Korean territory many scholars
have tried to find proof of the nature of this place and it has been object of several debates among
historians. Even though there was an active exchange between Baekje and Japan, the center of
Japanese influence in the peninsula was in fact the Gaya area. The territory of Gaya was not a single
political entity, but a confederation of states. Because of its geographical proximity to the Japanese
island of Kyushu, there was much commercial contact between the inhabitants of these regions.

It is known that many Gaya and Baekje people have relocated to Kyushu where the inhabitants were
also known under the name of Wa3. Besides its strategic importance, the Gaya region was very rich
in resources and the Japanese were mainly interested in their iron works. Archaeological evidence
of this active trade has been found in both Gaya and Kyushu territory. By monopolizing the maritime
route along the southern coast, Gaya was able to exercise great influence over the traffic between
Baekje and Wa and the trade between Wa and China.

It is believed that the Gaya states did not consolidate themselves into one great state before the
territory was overtaken in year 532 by Silla5. Nihongi chronicles mention an outpost of Yamato
located in this territory and called “Mimana Nihonfu” (an anachronism of the Nihongi compilers
since at that time the name “Nihon” was not used to designate Japan yet). Nowadays many scholars
recognize the existence of this place. However, there is still disagreement concerning to whom this
headquarter belonged and how it functioned6. Some scholars argued that this headquarter belonged
to Wa aristocracy and some others to Baekje or even to an international delegation of Baekje-SillaYamato. In any case this outpost disappeared after the Silla annexations of Gaya territories in 532
and 562 and there is no evidence besides the quotation in the Nihongi to believe that it was a colony
of the Japanese state.

We can assert that the studies on the relations between Baekje and the archipelago have focused
mainly on two areas: 1) political relations including 4th century Yamato-Baekje alliance and the 5th
century “horserider theory” proposing the Baekje conquest of Yamato; and 2) the transmission
of Buddhism from Baekje to Yamato and the Baekje contribution to Buddhist material culture in
Japan7. Through this paper I will attempt to clarify the nature of Baekje-Yamato relations paying
a special attention to the different capitals of Baekje as the change of the center of power in one
Kingdom is very significant of its political status and will be as well reflected in its relations with
the outside world. For that I will divide the essay in three main periods: A brief introduction about
the origins of Baekje, followed by its expansionist period and an analysis on the subject after the
destruction of its first capital in the Han River basin area.

Last Edit: Jul 28, 2021 22:38:45 GMT by Admin

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Baekje's Relationship with Japan's Yamato Jul 29, 2021 0:29:36 GMT

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Post by Admin on Jul 29, 2021 0:29:36 GMT

The Establishment of Baekje
According to the Baekje Annals of the Samguk Sagi, the Kingdom of Baekje was founded by Onjo,
one of the sons of Jumong, the legendary founder of Goguryeo. Jumong had two sons Onjo and
Piryu. However, one day another son who Jumong had begotten earlier appeared in the court and
became the crown successor. For this reason Onjo and Piryu fearing that their presence would not
be tolerated by the prince moved to the south to found a new kingdom8. Whereas Piryu failed to
establish his settlement, Onjo was successful and became the first king of Baekje. The Baekje annals
account two other versions of the foundation of the kingdom. Although the annals of Samguk Sagi
account the creation of the kingdom in 18BC, it is not possible to contrast this mythical narrative
with external sources such as Chinese historical records.

Even though it is difficult to establish an accurate date for the formation of Baekje as a kingdom it
is known that initially weak, Baekje was a victim of repeated attacks from the Lelang Commandery
and the Malgal tribe, they also had a vassal relation with Mahan kingdom. However, from the first
century onwards, Baekje successfully attacked Mahan. According to the annals of Samguk Sagi
Baekje destroyed the strongest state of Mahan in the early part of the 1st century which means
that it managed to become the most powerful among the small states of Manhan9. However, some
historians remain skeptical regarding the early years since little is recorded from that time. During
the reign of King Goi (234-286) Baekje expanded northwards and its establishment of six minister
positions (jwapyeong), 16 official administrative ranks, and the adoption of official uniforms suggest
that at that time Baekje had already reached a short of centralized rule. Official positions were
granted to the leaders of conquered settlements10. Under the rule of Goi, Baekje expanded and
consolidated its power. By the late third century Baekje had absorbed territories of the neighboring
minor polities and had developed into a state called Baekje 百濟. The fall of the Lelang and Daifang
commanderies opened up a new phase of development for Baekje. In 371 according Qin Shu, the
Chinese emperor “sent an envoy to appoint King Yu-Ku of Baekje General of the East and Prefect of
Lelang”11. Since the commandery had disappeared this seems as an effort to secure an ally in the
peninsula more than to continue Chinese claims on the Korean territory and this was beneficial for
Baekje because with the fall of the commanderies it became the importer of advanced Chinese
culture to the peninsula acquired through direct interchange with mainland China12. To summarize,
at some point between the Mahan embassy of 290 and the royal Baekje embassy of 372 to Jin
China, Baekje developed as one of the three Kingdoms (Goguryeo, Silla and Baekje) that would
dominate and dispute the Korean peninsula for much part of the first millennium. According to Sui
Shu, a vassal state called Tanmenlo was tributary to Baekje. It is believed that this region could have
been Jeju Island where metal artifacts suggest connections with the peninsula.

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Baekje's Relationship with Japan's Yamato Jul 29, 2021 4:30:26 GMT

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Post by Admin on Jul 29, 2021 4:30:26 GMT

The Hanseong period and early relations with Japan
King Geun Chogo, who reigned between 346 and 375 is the first Baekje king quoted in both, Chinese
and Japanese historical records. These non-Korean sources credit him diplomatic activities with
Japan and China. In addition to this, the historical records in Samguk Sagi assert that he leaded a
campaign to the north against Goguryeo in 369 capturing five thousands of soldiers13. In the year
371 the King together with the Crown Prince launched an attack on Pyeongyang that resulted in the
death of the Goguryeo's king Gogukwon. This action is recognized and recorded in the Goguryeo
annals as follows:

Year forty-one [371], winter tenth month. The Paekche King, leading thirty thousand troops, came
and attacked P'yŏngyang Fortress. The King deployed soldiers to resist them but was hit by a stray
arrow. He died on the twenty-third day of this month and was buried in a field at Koguk. {Paekche's
King Kaero sent a piao [royal letter] to Wei claiming they had beheaded Soe [the King] and publically
displayed it but this is an exaggeration.14

From this information we can infer that Baekje was already by that time a well-established kingdom
and a relevant power in the Korean peninsula. Through military power, Baekje reached its maximum
extension during this time. In fact, the Jin-shu annals record an embassy of Baekje to Eastern Jin
court in 372 and after that a Jin embassy sent to Baekje that granted king Geun Chogo the title of
“General stabilizing the East and governor of Le-lang”15. Another proof of Baekje's power is the
ceremonial sword Chiljido, also known as seven branched sword sent to the King of Wa by the King
of Baekje. This sword is today housed in the Iso-no-kami Shrine in the city of Tenri in Nara prefecture
in Japan16. The sword has an inscription that may read as follows:

On May 16th, the 4th year of Tae-hwa [or on April 16th, the 4th year of T'ai-ho], the day of ByeongO at noon this seven-branched sword was manufactured with hundred-times-wrought iron. As this
sword has a magical power to rout the enemy, it is sent [bestowed] to the king of a vassal state.
Manufactured by xxxx. Never has there been such a sword. Tinking of longevity, the king of Paekche
[or the Crown Prince of Paekche who owes his life to the august King] had this sword made for the
king of Wa [or the king of vassal state]. Hope that it be transmitted and shown to prosperity.17

According to the inscription, Wa seems to have been addressed as a vassal state to Baekje. Naturally,
the content of this inscription has been matter of controversy and some Japanese historians refused
this reading that would suppose a vassal relationship of the Wa towards Baekje and advocated
other interpretations. Some scholars tried to turn Baekje the vassal state while others advocated a
respectful relationship between both kingdoms reading the inscription as: “respectfully presenting
the sword to the Emperor by the Baekje king.” One exception among them is the historian Ueda
Masaaki who believes that the sword was “bestowed” to the ruler of Wa by the king of Baekje18.
In any case it is believed that this is the sword also mentioned in Nihongi as follows: “52nd year,

Autumn, 9th month 10th day: Kutyö and the others came along with Chimuka Nagahiko and
presented a seven-branched sword, and a seven-little-one mirror, with various other objects of
great value”19. The fact that Baekje presented such an elaborated sword as a gift together with
the above mentioned records about Baekje's conquers northwards suggest that the kingdom was
undergoing a golden age. Buddhism was introduced to Baekje in 384 (about twelve years after
its introduction in Goguryeo) and the Baekje court was literate in chinese language in the fourth
century and probably earlier.

In fact, the reign of King Geun Chogo is mentioned by the historian Han Young Woo as the “heyday
of Baekje”20. At the same time, there is not much information about the Wa, but according to the
early Chinese record of Hou Han shu (445), the Wa were divided into more than a hundred small
states21. This accounts also mention that the Wa had established commercial relations with the
people of the peninsula from earlier times. At some uncertain point, a political entity that united a
sizeable part of territory in the center of the Japanese archipelago was formed and they exercised
influence in the Korean peninsula during the late fourth and fifth century22, especially in the area
of Gaya where they looked for iron. For this reason, while it is reasonable to believe that the king
of Baekje could refer to the king of Wa as a vassal at the peak of Baekje's military power, it is also
important to note that the establishment of relations was also initiated partly because Baekje rulers
found military and politically useful to ally themselves with the archipelago's leadership.

In addition to this, it is important to note that the Yamato state emerged at some point in the mid
fifth century and the degree to which it developed an organized a state and a particular identity
among the archipelago inhabitants is open to question. Before this Yamato state, some Wa rulers
are quoted in the Chinese historical texts, one prominent ruler among them is the third century
queen Himiko, whose capital may have been located in the Yamato area. However, there is no way
to confirm continuity between these earlier rulers and the later established Yamato state23. For this
reason, as the translation of the seven branched sword suggests, it is possible that the Wa initially
maintained a vassal relationship with Baekje that may have changed after the decrease of Baekje's
military power and with the emergence of a more defined political entity in Japan that gained a
major control over its territory.

Another significant event in this relation occurred during the Goguryeo King Gwanggaeto's attacks
on Baekje. In year 397 Baekje sent the crown prince Jeonji to the Yamato court as a hostage. The
Baekje annals of Samguk Sagi account this fact as follows: "397: 6th year, Summer, 5th month.
The king established friendly relations with the Yamato court [in Japan] and sent the crown prince
Chŏnji to serve there as a hostage"24

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Baekje's Relationship with Japan's Yamato Jul 29, 2021 20:03:59 GMT

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Post by Admin on Jul 29, 2021 20:03:59 GMT

It is important to note that in this period Baekje was weakened by constant fight against Goguryeo
and in this sense its relation with the Japanese was very important for the survival of the kingdom
since they needed military assistance and the early decades of the fifth century marked the zenith of
Japanese influence in the peninsula. The historical context justifies the tone that Nihongi accounts
use to refer Baekje as a subservient state during this time. However in sharp contrast to the
Goguryeo-Silla relations of that time which were characterized by a forceful subordination of Silla
to Goguryeo25, the relationship between Baekje and Wa seem to have been more in equal terms.
Another interesting passage is contained in the Nihongi. After the death of King Asin, the crown
prince came back to assume power. In year 404 Ajik was sent from Baekje to Japan as Nihongi
accounts:

15th year, Autumn, 8th month, 6th day. The King of Pèkché sent A-chik-ki with two quite horses as
tribute. So they were fed in stables on the acclivity of Karu. Accordingly A-chik-ki was appointed
to have charge of their foddering. Therefore the place where the horses were kept was named
Mumaya-saka. Moreover, A-chik-ki was able to read the classics, and so the Heir Apparent, Uji no
Waka-iratsuko, made him his teacher...26

Ajik was the first man of letters sent to the Japanese court by Baekje and he began a trend of culture/
military exchanges between Baekje and Yamato that would characterize their relations in later
stages. This story is also contained in the Kojiki. The same year Koguryo's army defeated a Japanese
fleet sent to aid Baekje27. If initially Baekje had been the most powerful force in the peninsula, a new
period opened with the conquests of King Gwanggaeto and later his son King Jangsu. As a proof of
the increasing power of Goguryeo, its capital was moved once again to Pyeongyang in year 427 and
in year 433 Baekje sent an envoy to Silla in order to look for an ally to counterbalance the growing
power of Goguryeo in the peninsula28. This period of successful Goguryeo attacks would end with
the destruction of Baekje's capital and their expulsion of its center of power in the Han River basin.
This victory is presented in the Goguryeo annals of Samguk Sagi as follows:

Year Sixty-Three [475]: spring, second month. The King sent an envoy to Wei to present tribute.
Ninth month. The King led thirty thousand troops to attack Paekce and occupy Hansŏng, the
royal capital. They killed Puyŏ Kyŏng (King Kaero), captured eight thousand men and women, and
returned with them.29

It is also recorded in more detail in the Baekje annals:
[475] 21st yer, Autumn, 9th month. The King of Koguryŏ Kŏryŏn (King Changsu), leading a force of
thirty thousand soldiers came down and surrounded the royal capital at Hansŏng. Our King secured
the gates of the citadel and would not come out to give battle. Therefore, the men of Koguryŏ
divided their army into four parts and attacked from all sides. Taking advantage of favorable wind
to fan the flames, they burned down the gates of the fortress. The people then became fearful, and
some even wanted to go out and surrender. The king, in his distress did not realize that [the city]
was completely surrounded and led several dozen mounted soldiers out of a gate and fled west.
The men of Koguryŏ, however, chased them down and killed them.30

Nihon Shoki account the event as follows:
A.D. 476, 20th year, Winter: The King of Koryö raised a great army and utterly smote Pèkché. There
was but a small remanent left, which assembled and occupied Chhang-ha. Their victuals became
exhausted, and deep was hereupon the weeping and lamentation. Upon this the Koryö generals
addressed their King saying: “There is something extraordinary in the temper of Pèkché. Whenever
thy servants observe them, they seem unaware of their own ruin. It is to be feared that they will
again spread forth and revive. We pray that they may be a length got rid of”. The King said: “No! I,
the unworthy one, have heard that the Land of Pèkché is under the jurisdiction of the Country of
Japan, and that this connection is of old standing. It is also known to all the neighbouring countries
that their King repairs to Japan and serves the Emperor.” Ultimately it (the proposal to exterminate
the Pèkché people) was abandoned.31

Here Nihon Shoki addresses a Baekje-Yamato relation in which the Japanese were holding a stronger
position. To conclude this chapter it is possible to say that if initially Baekje expanded through the
peninsula and during the golden era of its military power that we can identify with the rule of
king Geun Chogo probably maintained a dominant position in its relations with Japan, as Goguryeo
forces advanced this relation may have changed with Japan becoming the dominant power.

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Baekje's Relationship with Japan's Yamato Jul 30, 2021 20:59:57 GMT

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Post by Admin on Jul 30, 2021 20:59:57 GMT

The Hanseong period and early relations with Japan
King Geun Chogo, who reigned between 346 and 375 is the first Baekje king quoted in both, Chinese
and Japanese historical records. These non-Korean sources credit him diplomatic activities with
Japan and China. In addition to this, the historical records in Samguk Sagi assert that he leaded a
campaign to the north against Goguryeo in 369 capturing five thousands of soldiers13. In the year
371 the King together with the Crown Prince launched an attack on Pyeongyang that resulted in the
death of the Goguryeo's king Gogukwon. This action is recognized and recorded in the Goguryeo
annals as follows:

Year forty-one [371], winter tenth month. The Paekche King, leading thirty thousand troops, came
and attacked P'yŏngyang Fortress. The King deployed soldiers to resist them but was hit by a stray
arrow. He died on the twenty-third day of this month and was buried in a field at Koguk. {Paekche's
King Kaero sent a piao [royal letter] to Wei claiming they had beheaded Soe [the King] and publically
displayed it but this is an exaggeration.14

From this information we can infer that Baekje was already by that time a well-established kingdom
and a relevant power in the Korean peninsula. Through military power, Baekje reached its maximum
extension during this time. In fact, the Jin-shu annals record an embassy of Baekje to Eastern Jin
court in 372 and after that a Jin embassy sent to Baekje that granted king Geun Chogo the title of
“General stabilizing the East and governor of Le-lang”15. Another proof of Baekje's power is the
ceremonial sword Chiljido, also known as seven branched sword sent to the King of Wa by the King
of Baekje. This sword is today housed in the Iso-no-kami Shrine in the city of Tenri in Nara prefecture
in Japan16. The sword has an inscription that may read as follows:

On May 16th, the 4th year of Tae-hwa [or on April 16th, the 4th year of T'ai-ho], the day of Byeong-
O at noon this seven-branched sword was manufactured with hundred-times-wrought iron. As this
sword has a magical power to rout the enemy, it is sent [bestowed] to the king of a vassal state.
Manufactured by xxxx. Never has there been such a sword. Tinking of longevity, the king of Paekche
[or the Crown Prince of Paekche who owes his life to the august King] had this sword made for the
king of Wa [or the king of vassal state]. Hope that it be transmitted and shown to prosperity.17

According to the inscription, Wa seems to have been addressed as a vassal state to Baekje. Naturally,
the content of this inscription has been matter of controversy and some Japanese historians refused
this reading that would suppose a vassal relationship of the Wa towards Baekje and advocated
other interpretations. Some scholars tried to turn Baekje the vassal state while others advocated a
respectful relationship between both kingdoms reading the inscription as: “respectfully presenting
the sword to the Emperor by the Baekje king.” One exception among them is the historian Ueda
Masaaki who believes that the sword was “bestowed” to the ruler of Wa by the king of Baekje18.
In any case it is believed that this is the sword also mentioned in Nihongi as follows: “52nd year,

Autumn, 9th month 10th day: Kutyö and the others came along with Chimuka Nagahiko and
presented a seven-branched sword, and a seven-little-one mirror, with various other objects of
great value”19. The fact that Baekje presented such an elaborated sword as a gift together with
the above mentioned records about Baekje's conquers northwards suggest that the kingdom was
undergoing a golden age. Buddhism was introduced to Baekje in 384 (about twelve years after
its introduction in Goguryeo) and the Baekje court was literate in chinese language in the fourth
century and probably earlier.