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Post by Admin on Jul 31, 2021 4:37:02 GMT
In fact, the reign of King Geun Chogo is mentioned by the historian Han Young Woo as the “heyday of Baekje”20. At the same time, there is not much information about the Wa, but according to the early Chinese record of Hou Han shu (445), the Wa were divided into more than a hundred small states21. This accounts also mention that the Wa had established commercial relations with the people of the peninsula from earlier times. At some uncertain point, a political entity that united a sizeable part of territory in the center of the Japanese archipelago was formed and they exercised influence in the Korean peninsula during the late fourth and fifth century22, especially in the area of Gaya where they looked for iron. For this reason, while it is reasonable to believe that the king of Baekje could refer to the king of Wa as a vassal at the peak of Baekje's military power, it is also important to note that the establishment of relations was also initiated partly because Baekje rulers found military and politically useful to ally themselves with the archipelago's leadership.
In addition to this, it is important to note that the Yamato state emerged at some point in the mid fifth century and the degree to which it developed an organized a state and a particular identity among the archipelago inhabitants is open to question. Before this Yamato state, some Wa rulers are quoted in the Chinese historical texts, one prominent ruler among them is the third century queen Himiko, whose capital may have been located in the Yamato area. However, there is no way to confirm continuity between these earlier rulers and the later established Yamato state23. For this reason, as the translation of the seven branched sword suggests, it is possible that the Wa initially maintained a vassal relationship with Baekje that may have changed after the decrease of Baekje's military power and with the emergence of a more defined political entity in Japan that gained a major control over its territory.
Another significant event in this relation occurred during the Goguryeo King Gwanggaeto's attacks on Baekje. In year 397 Baekje sent the crown prince Jeonji to the Yamato court as a hostage. The Baekje annals of Samguk Sagi account this fact as follows: "397: 6th year, Summer, 5th month. The king established friendly relations with the Yamato court [in Japan] and sent the crown prince Chŏnji to serve there as a hostage"24.
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Post by Admin on Jul 31, 2021 21:42:43 GMT
It is important to note that in this period Baekje was weakened by constant fight against Goguryeo and in this sense its relation with the Japanese was very important for the survival of the kingdom since they needed military assistance and the early decades of the fifth century marked the zenith of Japanese influence in the peninsula. The historical context justifies the tone that Nihongi accounts use to refer Baekje as a subservient state during this time. However in sharp contrast to the Goguryeo-Silla relations of that time which were characterized by a forceful subordination of Silla to Goguryeo25, the relationship between Baekje and Wa seem to have been more in equal terms. Another interesting passage is contained in the Nihongi. After the death of King Asin, the crown prince came back to assume power. In year 404 Ajik was sent from Baekje to Japan as Nihongi accounts:
15th year, Autumn, 8th month, 6th day. The King of Pèkché sent A-chik-ki with two quite horses as tribute. So they were fed in stables on the acclivity of Karu. Accordingly A-chik-ki was appointed to have charge of their foddering. Therefore the place where the horses were kept was named Mumaya-saka. Moreover, A-chik-ki was able to read the classics, and so the Heir Apparent, Uji no Waka-iratsuko, made him his teacher...26
Ajik was the first man of letters sent to the Japanese court by Baekje and he began a trend of culture/ military exchanges between Baekje and Yamato that would characterize their relations in later stages. This story is also contained in the Kojiki. The same year Koguryo's army defeated a Japanese fleet sent to aid Baekje27. If initially Baekje had been the most powerful force in the peninsula, a new period opened with the conquests of King Gwanggaeto and later his son King Jangsu. As a proof of the increasing power of Goguryeo, its capital was moved once again to Pyeongyang in year 427 and in year 433 Baekje sent an envoy to Silla in order to look for an ally to counterbalance the growing power of Goguryeo in the peninsula28. This period of successful Goguryeo attacks would end with the destruction of Baekje's capital and their expulsion of its center of power in the Han River basin. This victory is presented in the Goguryeo annals of Samguk Sagi as follows:
Year Sixty-Three [475]: spring, second month. The King sent an envoy to Wei to present tribute. Ninth month. The King led thirty thousand troops to attack Paekce and occupy Hansŏng, the royal capital. They killed Puyŏ Kyŏng (King Kaero), captured eight thousand men and women, and returned with them.29
It is also recorded in more detail in the Baekje annals: [475] 21st yer, Autumn, 9th month. The King of Koguryŏ Kŏryŏn (King Changsu), leading a force of thirty thousand soldiers came down and surrounded the royal capital at Hansŏng. Our King secured the gates of the citadel and would not come out to give battle. Therefore, the men of Koguryŏ divided their army into four parts and attacked from all sides. Taking advantage of favorable wind to fan the flames, they burned down the gates of the fortress. The people then became fearful, and some even wanted to go out and surrender. The king, in his distress did not realize that [the city] was completely surrounded and led several dozen mounted soldiers out of a gate and fled west. The men of Koguryŏ, however, chased them down and killed them.30
Nihon Shoki account the event as follows: A.D. 476, 20th year, Winter: The King of Koryö raised a great army and utterly smote Pèkché. There was but a small remanent left, which assembled and occupied Chhang-ha. Their victuals became exhausted, and deep was hereupon the weeping and lamentation. Upon this the Koryö generals addressed their King saying: “There is something extraordinary in the temper of Pèkché. Whenever thy servants observe them, they seem unaware of their own ruin. It is to be feared that they will again spread forth and revive. We pray that they may be a length got rid of”. The King said: “No! I, the unworthy one, have heard that the Land of Pèkché is under the jurisdiction of the Country of Japan, and that this connection is of old standing. It is also known to all the neighbouring countries that their King repairs to Japan and serves the Emperor.” Ultimately it (the proposal to exterminate the Pèkché people) was abandoned.31
Here Nihon Shoki addresses a Baekje-Yamato relation in which the Japanese were holding a stronger position. To conclude this chapter it is possible to say that if initially Baekje expanded through the peninsula and during the golden era of its military power that we can identify with the rule of king Geun Chogo probably maintained a dominant position in its relations with Japan, as Goguryeo forces advanced this relation may have changed with Japan becoming the dominant power.
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Post by Admin on Aug 2, 2021 4:58:41 GMT
The Ungjin period: The revival of the kingdom and cultural development After the destruction of Baekje's first capital Hanseong, the kingdom would never recover the military power that had enjoyed in previous times. The capital was moved to Ungjin (actual Gongju) and surprisingly even under a constant pressure of Goguryeo there was a significant revival of the kingdom during this period. For the period between year 479 and 504 Nihon Shoki does not account any envoy from Baekje. For that reason when diplomatic relations were restored there was a misunderstanding related in Nihon Shoki as follow: [504] Winter, 10th month: The Land of Pèkché sent Lord Mana with tribute. The Emperor, considering that for many years Pèkche had not sent tribute, detained him, and would not let him go.32 However, Baekje maintained diplomatic relations with Southern Ch'i (479-502). According to the Nan shih (compiled ca. 630) Baekje presented tribute and its king was confirmed in the titles of “Great General Stabilizing the East” and “King of Baekje” by the court of southern Ch'i33. This relationship was maintained with some difficulties as for example in year 484 a Baekje embassy was prevented of crossing the Yellow Sea by a naval force from Goguryeo. From the last mission in 495 a full decade would pass until King Dongseong's successor, King Muryeong (who reigned from 501 to 523) sent Baekje's first tribute to the Liang court in 512. A delay that Liang shu seems to attribute to the military reverses that the kingdom had suffered at the hands of Goguryeo. Muryeong was son of King Gaero and he was born in Japan34. However Chin clan had planned to put in the throne Dongseong who was living in Japan before the death of the previous King Samgeun. There is a debate among historians about the causes and the possible Konji's faction (brother of King Muju) influences from Japan in this decision35. The reasons why King Muryeong could not ascend to the throne in favor of two other kings remains unclear. However, according to the historical accounts it seems that during the reign of King Muryeong Baekje began to recover from the decline that started in 475. During the first years of his rule he successfully repressed a rebellion caused by Baek Ga, a minister who is held as the responsible for the assassination of King Dongseong. He seized an important fortress and revolted against the authority of the court36, but he was executed after a campaign in which King Muryeong actively participated. At that time he also achieved some military success against Goguryeo (after a series of defeats) as its record in the Chinese Liang shu. King Muryeong is said to have strengthened the monarchy and his reign together with the reign of King Seong seem to represent a golden period after the first capital fell. The beginning of King Muryeong's rule also marked the decline of Japanese influence in the peninsula as it can be inferred by the fact that the last coastal raid from Japan recorded in the Silla annals of Samguk Sagi dates from year 500.
Fortunately for the historians of Baekje, the tomb of King Muryeong was found intact and excavated. Its brick style is modeled after the tombs of mainland Liang Dynasty (502-56), this style was later introduced by Baekje elites to Japan marking the end of mounted tombs homogeneity in the archipelago. The goods discovered in the tomb were from Korean origin and can say much about the advanced culture that Baekje had acquired at that time, they include lacquered coffins, footrest, painted wooden pillows, gold hairpin, silver and gold bracelets and other ornaments, a silver wine cup, bronze chopsticks, comb and bowl37. The coffin of King Muryeong made of golden pine is said to have come from Japan38 and proof the relationship maintained between these two powers. Another evidence of this relation is that from 507 to the fall of Imna in 562, there were 38 reciprocal exchanges between Japan and Baekje in contrast to only 4 exchanges with Silla, and 2 with Goguryeo39. Baekje migrants (scholars and technicians) would settle in many cases in Japan and contributed to the development of Yamato culture and state in many different spheres. Marriage based ties were also established between Baekje and the rulers of Japan40.
The successor of King Muryeong was King Seong (523-554), important historical facts occurred during his reign: The capital moved from Ungjin to Sabi with a change in name of the kingdom from Baekje to South Puyo41 (to increase the legitimacy of the kingdom by linking it with its roots), second the introduction of Buddhism to Japan year 552 which is usually quoted as one important example of Baekje's cultural influence in Yamato and third the alliance between Baekje and Silla designed to counterbalance the power of Goguryeo. The betrayal of Silla is probably the most famous betrayal of Korean ancient history. In year 551 Nihon Shoki records: This year King Syöng-myöng of Pèkché, commanding an army in person, together with troops from the two countries [by the two countries Sila and Imna are meant], invaded Koryö and conquered the territory of Hansyöng. Thence he again moved forward his army and attacked Phyöng-yang. Six districts in all were ventually restored to their formed territorial dependence.42
Baekje forged an alliance with Silla to recover the Han River basin. However, it is well known that Silla took advantage of the fact that Baekje's combatants were exhausted after defeating the Goguryeo army and attacked them occupying the territories by themselves. This betrayal seems to have been a turning point for the Kingdom of Baekje that would start a new period of decline in terms of political power. Nihon Shoki records requests of military aid from Baekje and Gaya states to defend of Silla's threat, but some years later Silla ended annexing Gaya's territories. Surprisingly, there is an entry in the Baekje annals of Samguk Sagi referring to a marriage proposal between a daughter of the king and someone in Silla but some scholars have argued that it may be a fabrication if we consider that this comes after the betrayal of Silla. Only one year later the annals record the death of the king when he was trying to make a surprise attack on Silla43.
Park Hyun Sook summarizes in his article all the exchanges accounted in the historical records between Baekje and Japan during King Seong's reign44. By examining these exchanges, one can realize that basically the relation was characterized by an export of advanced culture from Baekje to Yamato (that included groups of scholars, specialists, Buddhist goods, books and medicines) in exchange of military aid and equipment (such as horses, ships, bows and arrows, etc). Despite the attempts from Silla to take Baekje's role of advanced culture export in its foreign relations with Yamato, Baekje enjoyed a close relationship with Yamato until the collapse of the kingdom. Another crucial point in Baekje foreign relations came with the Sui invasion of Goguryeo in 612. Baekje had promised to support the invasion but when it happened they just reinforced their frontiers without actively taking part on Sui's side. Years after, this policy would influence the view of Baekje that Tang dynasty had. As expressed by Ku Daeyeol45 Baekje was slow in perceiving and understanding foreign policy orientations of their potential partner in China (For example, Baekje allied with Goguryeo that was at that time the biggest concern or threat for China in the peninsula) and finally was destroyed by a Tang-Silla alliance in year 660. Today a pavilion stands at the so called “Rock of the falling flowers” commemorating Baekje's defeat and the suicide of the kingdom's court ladies and concubines who preferred to jump to the cliff rather than being captured by the enemies. Three years later, an army of Yamato arrived to help their ally but it was too late. Tang was well aware that the joint action against Baekje would upset the Japanese and thus they retained the members of Yamato's envoy in China using false charges as a pretext until one month after the Tang-Silla attacks had conquered Sabi46. Short after the capitulation, a restoration movement emerged and requested help from Japan. The prince Pung (who was in Yamato) was returned to the peninsula and proclaimed king. Yamato sent a float of 400 ships and 10000 troops to assist Baekje but they were defeated by the Tang navy. This is narrated as follows: The latter (Puyo Yung) proceeded from the Ungjin River into the Paek River where they joined the infantry and together they advanced upon Churyu Fortress. While executing this maneuver, they also encountered a flotilla carrying Japanese reinforcements at the mouth of the Paek River and, engaging them in battle four times, were victorious on each occasion. In this action, they burned four hundred of the Japanese vessels –the flames and smoke rose to scorch the heavens while the ocean's waters turned as red as cinnabar.47
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Post by Admin on Aug 2, 2021 22:24:21 GMT
An account on the event can be found in Chinese sources and also in Nihon Shoki. However, there is no reference of this important battle in Kojiki, probably because it did not suit the political interests of its compilers at that time. With the fall of both Gaya states and Baekje the Japanese influence in the political affairs of the peninsula disappeared completely.
Conclusions During the first period whose maximum exponent can be King Geun Chogo, Baekje enjoyed a period of military power, it is known that it established some colonies in the Chinese coast and archaeological founds of Baekje origin have been found as far as in Vietnam. Since its early stage of development it also established foreign relations with China and Japan which allowed Baekje to act as an intermediary between the two states starting a pattern that would repeat during centuries and at this point Baekje was clearly dominant in Baekje-Wa relations and I base this supposition in the military achievements of Baekje and in the fact that it is not well known to what extent a centralized political entity had or had not been created in the archipelago which can be interpreted at least as a clear sign that none of the peninsular states could have been a vassal of the Japanese state. Another important testimony that support this theory is the seven branched sword which is a symbol of the degree of development that Baekje had reached in blacksmith techniques at that time. As we have seen, things in war turned for Baekje and a period of decline ended with the destruction of its first capital in the Han River basin. This fact is very significant because analyzing the contest of the three kingdoms for the peninsula one can realize that the strategic location and resources of the Han River basin constitute an essential advantage for the control of the peninsula. However, it is to some degree surprising that Baekje could not only maintain its power, but also developed its culture to the maximum in a second period in which the capital was located in Ungjin. From this period to the end of Baekje's existence the pattern seem to be much clearer, usually there was an exchange of culture for military aid with Japan. The degree in which Baekje's aristocracy was key in the creation of the Yamato state is matter of discussion. However, through the study of the sources it is possible to confirm that Baekje was credited with the introduction to Japan of such important cultural elements as the Chinese characters or Buddhism. Evidence of human exchange and migrations is also recorded and fine artisans settled in Japan and formed part of the aristocracy, it is also known that the famous Japanese Prince Shotoku had a Korean teacher and some scholars have seen the influence of Buddhism in the constitution attributed to him. Probably the huge force that Yamato sent to support Baekje's rebels could not be explained only in terms of their foreign policies or their political aspirations in the peninsula without the existence of a long tradition of exchanges and blood ties between the royalties of both political entities. Even the emperor of Japan has publicly recognized the existence of such blood heritage in his lineage raising controversies48. To conclude even though archaeological findings have helped in a great degree to improve our understanding of Baekje and Yamato there are many unknown things about both the Kingdom of Baekje and Yamato to further define in a better way the nature of its relations. One problematic issue that has not been analyzed through this paper is the identity of the Wa quoted in various historical accounts. To what extent the Wa represented an organized political entity remains obscure as the terms has been used to describe a variety of people from inhabitants of the Kyushu to pirates of Japanese origin.
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Post by Admin on Oct 11, 2021 20:07:35 GMT
Late Upper Paleolithic-Initial Jomon transitions, southern Kyushu, Japan: Regional scale to macro processes a close look
Fumie Iizuka a, b, *, Masami Izuho b a School of Social Sciences, Humanities and Arts, University of California, Merced, United States b Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Tokyo Metropolitan University, Japan
abstract Neolithization processes are among the most significant changes that have occurred in human history. The timing, order, and appearance of new behavioral elements and causes of behavioral change have been widely investigated. In the Japanese Archipelago, transitions from the Upper Paleolithic to Jomon show the first appearances of Neolithic behavioral elements. Research has commonly yielded interregional perspectives comparing technological changes with climate and landscape changes. This paper provides intra-regional comparisons of different environmental variables with technological changes focusing on southern Kyushu, Japan. This paper compares data on climate fluctuations, sea level changes, volcanic eruptions and impacts, and biomes with data on the appearance of and changes in pottery technology and variability, supplemented with studies of stone tools and archaeological features. Results suggest that climatic fluctuations, sea level changes, and biome variability may have had significant impacts on behavioral changes and that volcanic eruptions should be evaluated on an intra-regional and site-based scale.
1. Introduction The evaluation of the causes and timing of the advent of Neolithic behaviors and the nature of artifacts, features, and behaviors associated with the Neolithic, or “Neolithization Processes” have undoubtedly been among the major topics in world archaeology. Extensive research into changes, such as hunting and gathering to farming, that occurred during the Upper Paleolithic to Neolithic transitions has been conducted. This research overlaps with studies of “sedentarization processes,” a concept that incorporates much of the same phenomena as Neolithization processes. Nevertheless, a consensus has not been reached on which behavioral and material elements constitute the Neolithic period or the changes that characterize Neolithization processes. The earliest perspectives focused on the “Neolithic Revolution” in which extreme climate change occurred at the transition between the last Ice Age and the warm period (Childe, 1951(1936)). Childe argued that these changes triggered animal domestication in places such as West Asia and that agriculture with plant domesticates emerged nearly simultaneously with pottery, ground stone, and sedentary communities. The Neolithic Revolution was understood as a major shift from mobile, hunting and gathering lifeways to Neolithic lifeways (Iizuka, 2016: 1; Iizuka et al., 2016: 31).
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