|
Post by Admin on Jul 21, 2022 8:16:03 GMT
Lack of steppe genetic impact in Anatolians Finally, we consider the evidence for Bronze Age steppe genetic contributions in West Asia. There are conflicting models for the earliest dispersal of IE languages into Anatolia (4, 50). The now extinct Bronze Age Anatolian language group represents the earliest historically attested branch of the IE language family and is linguistically held to be the first branch to have split off from PIE (53, 54, 58). One key question is whether Proto-Anatolian is a direct linguistic descendant of the hypothesized Yamnaya PIE language or whether Proto-Anatolian and the PIE language spoken by Yamnaya were branches of a more ancient language ancestral to both (49, 53). Another key question relates to whether Proto-Anatolian speakers entered Anatolia as a result of a “Copper Age western steppe migration” (~5000–3000 BCE) involving movement of groups through the Balkans into Northwest Anatolia (4, 71, 73), or a “Caucasian” route that links language dispersal to intensified north-south population contacts facilitated by the trans-Caucasian Maykop culture around 3700–3000 BCE (50, 54).
Ancient DNA findings suggest extensive population contact between the Caucasus and the steppe during the Copper Age (~5000–3000 BCE) (1, 2, 42). Particularly, the first identified presence of Caucasian genomic ancestry in steppe populations is through the Khvalynsk burials (2, 47) and that of steppe ancestry in the Caucasus is through Armenian Copper Age individuals (42). These admixture processes likely gave rise to the ancestry that later became typical of the Yamnaya pastoralists (7), whose IE language may have evolved under the influence of a Caucasian language, possibly from the Maykop culture (50, 55). This scenario is consistent with both the “Copper Age steppe” (4) and the “Caucasian” models for the origin of the Proto-Anatolian language (56).
The PCA (Fig. 2B) indicates that all the Anatolian genome sequences from the Early Bronze Age (~2200 BCE) and Late Bronze Age (~1600 BCE) cluster with a previously sequenced Copper Age (~3900–3700 BCE) individual from Northwestern Anatolia and lie between Anatolian Neolithic (Anatolia_N) samples and CHG samples but not between Anatolia_N and EHG samples. A test of the form D(CHG, Mbuti; Anatolia_EBA, Anatolia_N) shows that these individuals share more alleles with CHG than Neolithic Anatolians do (Z = 3.95), and we are not able to reject a two-population qpAdm model in which these groups derive ~60% of their ancestry from Anatolian farmers and ~40% from CHG-related ancestry (p-value = 0.5). This signal is not driven by Neolithic Iranian ancestry, since the result of a similar test of the form D(Iran_N, Mbuti; Anatolia_EBA, Anatolia_N) does not deviate from zero (Z = 1.02). Taken together with recent findings of CHG ancestry on Crete (57), our results support a widespread CHG-related gene flow, not only into Central Anatolia but also into the areas surrounding the Black Sea and Crete. The latter are not believed to have been influenced by steppe-related migrations and may thus correspond to a shared archaeological horizon of trade and innovation in metallurgy (66).
Importantly, a test of the form D(EHG, Mbuti; Anatolia_EBA, Anatolia_MLBA) supports that the Central Anatolian gene pools, including those sampled from settlements thought to have been inhabited by Hittite speakers, were not impacted by steppe populations during the Early and Middle Bronze Age (Z = -1.83). Both of these findings are further confirmed by results from clustering analysis (Fig. 3). The CHG-specific ancestry and the absence of EHG-related ancestry in Bronze Age Anatolia would be in accordance with intense cultural interactions between populations in the Caucasus and Anatolia observed during the late 5th millennium BCE that seem to come to an end in the first half of the 4th millennium BCE with the village-based egalitarian Kura-Araxes’ society (59, 60), thus preceding the emergence and dispersal of Proto-Anatolian.
Our results indicate that the early spread of IE languages into Anatolia was not associated with any large-scale steppe-related migration, as previously suggested (61). Additionally, and in agreement with the later historical record of the region (62), we find no correlation between genetic ancestry and exclusive ethnic or political identities among the populations of Bronze Age Central Anatolia, as has previously been hypothesized (63).
|
|
|
Post by Admin on Jul 21, 2022 18:04:15 GMT
Discussion For Europe, ancient genomics have revealed extensive population migrations, replacements, and admixtures from the Upper Paleolithic to the Bronze Age (1, 2, 27, 64, 65), with a strong influence across the continent from the Early Bronze Age (~3000–2500 BCE) western steppe Yamnaya. In contrast, for Central Asia, continuity is observed from the Upper Paleolithic to the end of the Copper Age (~3500–3000 BCE), with descendants of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers persisting as largely isolated populations after the Yamnaya and Afanasievo pastoralist migrations. Instead of western pastoralists admixing with or replacing local groups, we see groups with East Asian ancestry replacing ANE populations in the Lake Baikal region. Thus, unlike in Europe, the hunter/gathering/herding groups of Inner Asia were much less impacted by the Yamnaya and Afanasievo expansion. This may be due to the rise of early horse husbandry, likely initially originated through a local “prey route” (40) adaptation by horse-dependent hunter-gatherers at Botai. Since work on ancient horse genomes (32) indicates that Botai horses were not the main source of modern domesticates, this suggests the existence of a second center of domestication, but whether this second center was associated with the Yamnaya and Afanasievo cultures remains uncertain in the absence of horse genetic data from their sites. Our finding that the Copper Age (~3300 BCE) Namazga-related population from the borderlands between Central and South Asia contains both “Iran Neolithic” and EHG ancestry but not CHG-specific ancestry provides a solution to problems concerning the Western Eurasian genetic contribution to South Asians. Rather than invoking varying degrees of relative contribution of “Iran Neolithic” and Yamnaya ancestries, we explain the two western genetic components with two separate admixture events. The first event, potentially prior to the Bronze Age, spread from a non-IE-speaking farming population from the Namazga culture or a related source down to Southern India. Then the second came during the Late Bronze Age (~2300–1200 BCE) through established contacts between pastoral steppe nomads and the Indus Valley, bringing European Neolithic as well as CHG-specific ancestry, and with them Indo-Iranian languages into northern South Asia. This is consistent with a long-range South Eurasian trade network around 2000 BCE (4), shared mythologies with steppe-influenced cultures (41, 60), linguistic relationships between Indic spoken in South Asia, and written records from Western Asia from the first half of the 18th century BCE onwards (49, 52). In Anatolia, our samples do not genetically distinguish Hittite and other Bronze Age Anatolians from an earlier Copper Age sample (~3943-3708 BCE). All these samples contain a similar level of CHG ancestry but no EHG ancestry. This is consistent with Anatolian / Early European farmer ancestry, but not steppe ancestry, in the Copper Age Balkans (67) and implies that the Anatolian clade of IE languages did not derive from a large-scale Copper Age / Early Bronze Age population movement from the steppe (contra (4)). Our findings are thus consistent with historical models of cultural hybridity and “Middle Ground” in a multi-cultural and multi-lingual but genetically homogenous Bronze Age Anatolia (68, 69). Current linguistic estimations converge on dating the Proto-Anatolian split from residual PIE to the late 5th or early 4th millennia BCE (58, 70) and place the breakup of Anatolian IE inside Turkey prior to the mid-3rd millennium (53, 71, 72). In (49) we present new onomastic material (51) that pushes the period of Proto-Anatolian linguistic unity even further back in time. We cannot at this point reject a scenario in which the introduction of the Anatolian IE languages into Anatolia was coupled with the CHG-derived admixture prior to 3700 BCE, but note that this is contrary to the standard view that PIE arose in the steppe north of the Caucasus (4) and that CHG ancestry is also associated with several non-IE-speaking groups, historical and current. Indeed, our data are also consistent with the first speakers of Anatolian IE coming to the region by way of commercial contacts and small-scale movement during the Bronze Age. Among comparative linguists, a Balkan route for the introduction of Anatolian IE is generally considered more likely than a passage through the Caucasus, due, for example, to greater Anatolian IE presence and language diversity in the west (73). Further discussion of these options is given in the archaeological and linguistic supplementary discussions (48, 49). Thus, while the “Steppe hypothesis,” in the light of ancient genomics, has so far successfully explained the origin and dispersal of IE languages and culture in Europe, we find that several elements must be re-interpreted to account for Asia. First, we show that the earliest unambiguous example of horse herding emerged amongst hunter-gatherers, who had no significant genetic interaction with western steppe herders. Second, we demonstrate that the Anatolian IE language branch, including Hittite, did not derive from a substantial steppe migration into Anatolia. And third, we conclude that Early Bronze Age steppe pastoralists did not migrate into South Asia but that genetic evidence fits better with the Indo-Iranian IE languages being brought to the region by descendants of Late Bronze Age steppe pastoralists. Supplementary Materials Click here to view.(11M, docx) www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6748862/bin/EMS84309-supplement-Supplementary_Materials.docx
|
|
|
Post by Admin on Mar 3, 2023 22:12:07 GMT
WASHINGTON — The tale of the first horseback riders may be written on the bones of the ancient Yamnaya people. Five excavated skeletons dated to about 3000 to 2500 B.C. show clear signs of physical stress that hint these Yamnaya individuals may have frequently ridden horses, researchers reported March 3 at the American Association for the Advancement of Science Annual Meeting and in Science Advances. That makes the Yamnaya the earliest humans identified as likely horseback riders so far. Five thousand years ago, the Yamnaya migrated widely, spreading Indo-European languages and altering the human gene pool across Europe and Asia (SN: 11/15/17; SN: 9/5/19). Their travels eventually stretched from modern-day Hungary to Mongolia, roughly 4,500 kilometers, and are thought to have taken place over only a couple of centuries. “In many ways, [the Yamnaya] changed the history of Eurasia,” says archaeologist Volker Heyd of the University of Helsinki. Horse domestication became widely established around 3500 B.C., probably for milk and meat (SN: 7/6/17). Some researchers have suggested the Botai people in modern-day Kazakhstan started riding horses during that time, but that’s debated (SN: 3/5/09). The Yamnaya had horses as well, and archaeologists have speculated that the people probably rode them, but evidence was lacking. But the oldest known depictions of horseback riding are from about 2000 B.C. Complicating efforts to determine when the behavior emerged, possible riding gear would have been made of long-decayed natural materials, and scientists rarely, if ever, find complete horse skeletons from that time. Heyd and colleagues weren’t seeking evidence of horsemanship. They were working on a massive project called the Yamnaya Impact on Prehistoric Europe to understand every aspect of the people’s lives. While assessing over 200 human skeletons excavated from countries including Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary, bioanthropologist Martin Trautmann noticed that one individual’s bones carried distinct traits on the femur and elsewhere that he’d seen before. He immediately suspected horseback riding. “It was just kind of a surprise,” says Trautmann, also of the University of Helsinki. If it were a one-off case, he says he would have dismissed it. But as he continued analyzing skeletons, he noticed that several had the same traits. Trautmann, Heyd and colleagues assessed all the skeletons for the presence of six physical signs of horseback riding that have been documented in previous research, a constellation of traits dubbed horsemanship syndrome. These signs included pelvis and femur marks that could have come from the biomechanical stress of sitting with spread legs while holding onto a horse, as well as healed vertebrae damage from injuries that could have come from falling off. The team also created a scoring system to account for the skeletal traits’ severity, preservation and relative importance. “Bones are living tissue,” Trautmann says. “So they react to any type of environmental stimulus.” The team deemed five Yamnaya male individuals as frequent horseback riders because they had four or more signs of horsemanship. Nine other Yamnaya males probably rode horses, but the researchers were less confident because the skeletons each displayed only three markers. “Hypothetically speaking, it’s very logical,” says bioarchaeologist Maria Mednikova of the Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow, who was not involved in the new study. The Yamnaya were very close to horses, she says, so at some point, they probably experimented with riding. First bioanthropological evidence for Yamnaya horsemanship www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.ade2451
|
|
|
Post by Admin on Mar 4, 2023 18:04:27 GMT
First bioanthropological evidence for Yamnaya horsemanship Abstract The origins of horseback riding remain elusive. Scientific studies show that horses were kept for their milk ~3500 to 3000 BCE, widely accepted as indicating domestication. However, this does not confirm them to be ridden. Equipment used by early riders is rarely preserved, and the reliability of equine dental and mandibular pathologies remains contested. However, horsemanship has two interacting components: the horse as mount and the human as rider. Alterations associated with riding in human skeletons therefore possibly provide the best source of information. Here, we report five Yamnaya individuals well-dated to 3021 to 2501 calibrated BCE from kurgans in Romania, Bulgaria, and Hungary, displaying changes in bone morphology and distinct pathologies associated with horseback riding. These are the oldest humans identified as riders so far. INTRODUCTION Multidisciplinary sources of evidence for earliest horsemanship Using horses for transport was a decisive step in human cultural development. Trade and cultural exchange as well as conflicts and migrations leapt with the increase in speed and range provided by horsemanship. Archeological, archeozoological, and paleogenetic research into the beginnings of horse domestication and the initial expansion of domesticated horses (Equus caballus) has recently seen much progress (1, 2), as has our understanding of the appearance of horse-drawn fast chariots with spoked wheels ~2000 BCE (3). However, information for earliest horseback riding so far is sparse (see section S1 for a detailed review). Possible bit wear in premolar teeth of horses from Botai (Kazakhstan) dating to <3500 BCE were extensively debated during the past three decades (4–6). Information from the Botai site such as horse demography, horse dung finds, potential paddock fences, or horse milk traces in pot shards (7, 8), as well as horse milk peptides in the calculus of Yamnaya individuals from Krivyanskiy 9 (Russia; ~3000 BCE) (9), suggests that domestication became widely established during the second half of the fourth millennium BCE. However, these do not provide direct evidence for riding. Depictions from the Mesopotamian Ur III period shortly before 2000 BCE may be the earliest figurative evidence for riding, probably on a horse (rider seated forward, falling mane, and bushy tail hair) but possibly on an ass (Equus asinus) or ass-onager (Equus hemionus) hybrid (10). During the Old Babylonian period of the early second millennium BCE, indubitable images and literary mentions in cuneiform texts (11) prove that horses were ridden. However, it is apparent that organized cavalry was introduced not before the very end of the second millennium BCE (4). While this provides a rough time frame and geographical setting, our understanding of how horsemanship developed between mid-fourth and early second millennium BCE in the Pontic-Caspian steppe and the Middle East is still vague. This time span also sees the first horse dispersals to the west and south (1, 2, 10, 12), the origins of modern horse breeds (1), the widespread introduction of cattle-pulled wheeled carts and wagons (13), and the Yamnaya (~3200 to 2500 BCE) expansions eastward to the Altai and Mongolia in the form of the Afanasievo culture (14) and westward into the southeast of Europe, coming to a hold at the Tisza river in eastern Hungary (15). Latest research into this event (Fig. 1) indicates its rapid accomplishment within one or two centuries just before and after 3000 BCE. Considering the vast geographical distances of 4500 km between the Tisza river and the Altai mountains, the absence of roads, and the small overall population sizes, it is difficult to envision how this expansion could have taken place without improved means of transport. Fig. 1. Map of the Yamnaya and Afanasievo overall distribution. Sites with individuals with skeletal markers for horsemanship are marked (black circles, Yamnaya; yellow circles, graves dated to other periods) (the background map is made with Natural Earth; free vector and raster map data at naturalearthdata.com; QGIS software). 1a, Strejnicu mound I grave 3 (I/3) grave in situ (photo credit: A. Frînculeasa, Prahova County Museum of History and Archaeology).
|
|
|
Post by Admin on Mar 9, 2023 21:11:24 GMT
Yamnaya people had horses, as we know from their few settlements, where horse bones ranged widely from 1 to 2% up to 80% of animal bones, as well as from occasional horse bones found in kurgan fillings (fig. S1) [(16), pp. 150–157, (17)]. What we lack is archeozoological or artifactual evidence for their use, whether as livestock, as beast of burden or mount and draft animal, or as prestige good. However, the quantity and preservation of Yamnaya horse remains are insufficient for biomechanics studies regarding possible use. In addition, specialized riding tack is not essential for riding or can be made from perishable materials only, so its absence in findings is no proof against riding.
RESULTS Osteological evidence for earliest horsemanship: Strejnicu mound I grave 3 and other Yamnaya individuals Horsemanship has two interacting components: the horse as mount and the human as rider (18). Horseback riding is a demanding physical activity, and adaptive changes of the musculoskeletal apparatus as response to frequent specific biomechanical stressors are well documented (19–21). Human skeletons from archeological sources are available in higher numbers than horse skeletons and often are better preserved because of proper burials. They therefore provide a more approachable source of information about horse riding (see section S2 and fig. S2 for details). There is continuing research in this direction [(22), pp. 28–38], but diagnosing an individual as a rider by skeletal traits alone still encounters limitations. The influence of genetics, age, sex, height, weight, limb proportions, diet, or pathological conditions on the relevant skeletal traits is not fully understood; there are no experiments with regard to the thresholds of strain necessary to provoke adaptive responses. Some activities other than riding, such as barrel making or basket weaving, could result in similar biomechanical stress and, thus, similar reactions of bone tissue. Not all possible indicators are equally reliable, and there is no established evaluation system, so interpretations can vary [(22), p. 40]. No doubt, a comprehensive basic study on reliable control groups (e.g., Early Neolithic Linearbandkeramik (LBK) versus Early Medieval Eurasian nomads) with proven rider and nonrider background is lacking. However, a number of studies of historical human skeletons with known equestrian activity demonstrate the informative value of a certain set of osteological traits specifically associated with horse riding, on which we base our observations (23–25).
Here, we report five Yamnaya individuals from the sites of Strejnicu in Romania, Malomirovo and Vetrino in Bulgaria, and Dévaványa and Balmazújváros in Hungary. We also briefly discuss two 1750 to 1540 and 1611 to 1446 calibrated BCE Middle Bronze Age individuals from two Medgidia mounds in Romania and the cases of a 3331 to 2927 calBCE “pre-Yamnaya” individual of Blejoi in Romania and a 4442 to 4243 calBCE Copper Age individual of Csongrád-Kettőshalom in Hungary (individual nos. 064, 116, 118, 213, 215, 153, 161, 032, and 209 in Tables 1 and 2). These individuals display ≥4 of 6 (diagnostic threshold of >50%) skeletal traits indicative of the so-called “horsemanship syndrome” (26) with a high level of diagnostic certainty. We also list 15 more individuals, of which 9 are Yamnaya, with three positive diagnostic trait categories and, thus, lower probability (Table 1). These were among 217 mostly “steppe” individuals from 39 sites dated between fifth and second millennium BCE studied 2019 to 2022, of which ~150 are archeologically assigned to the Early Bronze Age Yamnaya culture (see Materials and Methods and Fig. 2 for details; see also section S3). Note that recognizing evidence of horseback riding was not the intention of the undertaken study on the mentioned skeletal materials; finding the traits was incidental and rather unexpected.
Table 1. List of individuals with possible “horsemanship syndrome” displaying at least three of the six diagnostic traits. Overview of trait appearances (+, present; −, absent; ?, not preserved; numbers in brackets indicate the relative weight of diagnostic specificity). Ind. no. Country Tag Complete Sex Age Date Score 032 RO Blejoi (Prahova District, Romania) 2016, mound III, grave 3 95% m 25–35 years Pre-Yamnaya (DeA-8814) 4437 ± 34 before the present (B.P.), 3331–2927 calBCE 7 034 RO Blejoi (Prahova District, Romania), mound III, grave 5 100% m 25–35 years Pre-Yamnaya (DeA-8815) 4452 ± 33 B.P., 3338–2939 calBCE 5 064 RO Strejnicu (Prahova District, Romania) 2011, mound I, grave 3 95% m 30–40 years Yamnaya (Hd-30719) 4106 ± 38 B.P., 2869–2501 calBCE (BRAMS-3586) 4190 ± 28 B.P., 2891–2669 calBCE 12 081 BG Boyanovo (Yambol District, Bulgaria), “Bajlar Kajrak,” mound I, grave 13 85% m 22–26 years Yamnaya 5 082 BG Boyanovo (Yambol District, Bulgaria), “Bajlar Kajrak,” mound III, grave 2 90% m 35–45 years Post-Yamnaya 5 092 BG Boyanovo (Yambol District, Bulgaria), “Bajlar Kajrak,” mound I, grave 17 90% m 25–30 years Pre-Yamnaya (early Yamnaya?) 3 103 CZ Vliněves (Mělník District, Czech Republic), grave 4214A; inv. no.: P7A 41603 95% m 25–35 years Corded Ware (CRL-9194) 4133 ± 87 B.P., 2896–2488 calBCE (MAMS-44711) 4174 ± 25 B.P., 2881–2669 calBCE 5 116 BG Malomirovo (Yambol District, Bulgaria) 2021, grave 17 90% m 65–75 years Yamnaya (Poz-141946) 4315 ± 35 B.P., 3018–2884 calBCE 7 118 BG Vetrino (Varna District, Bulgaria) 2020, Necropole 1, mound XXXIV, grave 3 95% m 25–35 years Yamnaya (SUERC-95535) 4138 ± 22 B.P., 2873–2623 calBCE 10 130 BG Vetrino (Varna District, Bulgaria), Necropole 3, mound I, grave 9 80% (f) 35–45 years Yamnaya (SUERC-97452) 4172 ± 27 B.P., 2883–2635 calBCE 6 135 BG Chudomir (Razgrad District, Bulgaria), mound I, grave 9 85% m 35–50 years Yamnaya 4 148 RO Medgidia (Constanţa District, Romania), mound V/VI, grave 1a 100% m 35–40 years Post-Yamnaya 3 153 RO Medgidia (Constanţa District, Romania) 2010, mound VI, grave 6 100% m 40–50 years Middle Bronze Age (DeA-9728) 3254 ± 28 B.P., 1611–1446 calBCE 9 161 RO Medgidia (Constanţa District, Romania) 2010, mound V, grave 4 85% m 45–60 years Middle Bronze Age (DeA-9667) 3361 ± 32 B.P., 1750–1540 calBCE 7 164 RO Medgidia (Constanţa District, Romania), mound V, grave 7 95% (m) 15–18 years Yamnaya 4 166 RO Medgidia (Constanţa District, Romania), mound III, grave 1–2, individual 1 70% m 35–45 years Pre-Yamnaya 6 170 RO Medgidia (Constanţa District, Romania), mound III, grave 11 65% (m) 25–35 years Yamnaya (BRAMS-3579) 4129 ± 28 B.P., 2870–2581 calBCE 7 174 RO Medgidia (Constanţa District, Romania), mound III, grave 16 75% (f) 17–20 years Yamnaya (BRAMS-3582) 4106 ± 28 B.P., 2865–2505 calBCE 6 177 RO Aliman (Constanţa District, Romania), grave 1/s 75% m 40–50 years Yamnaya (BRAMS-3575) 4096 ± 28 B.P., 2859–2500 calBCE 6 186 HU Debrecen (Hajdú-Bihar District, Hungary), Basahalom 1906/1326/32 30% (m) 20–40 years Yamnaya (DeA-34604) 4322 ± 32 B.P., 3018–2888 calBCE 7 198 HU Kunhegyes (Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok District, Hungary), Nagyállás-halom grave 18 75% m 35–50 years Yamnaya (Poz-39456) 4195 ± 35 B.P., 2895–2636 calBCE 3 209 HU Csongrád (Csongrád-Csanád District, Hungary) 1963, Bárdos-farmstead, -Kettőshalom, grave 1 100% m 25–35 years Copper Age (Poz-41865) 5470 ± 40 B.P., 4442–4243 calBCE 9 213 HU Dévaványa (Békés District, Hungary) 1969, Barcé-halom, grave 1 90% m 40–50 years Yamnaya (DeA-8221) 4279 ± 22 B.P., 2916–2881 calBCE 10 215 HU Balmazújváros (Hajdú-Bihar District, Hungary) 1964, Árkusmajor, –Kettőshalom, grave 1
|
|